REWIND
New Delhi, 22 February
2024
The Rajya Sabha And Biennial Poll
By Inder Jit
(Released on 20 March 1990)
The Rajya Sabha is
again in the news. Fresh biennial elections to the House are under way as
one-third of its members are due to retire soon. The outcome of the poll is of
interest any time. But it has greater significance this year in view of the
stakes involved for the ruling National Front and the Congress-I as the
Opposition. The National Front has to get two of its Cabinet Ministers --- Mr.
P. Upendra and Mr. M.S Gurupadaswamy --- returned to the House and another two
Ministers --- Prof M.G.K. Menon and Dr. Raja Ramanna --- elected to it. The
Congress-I also wants some of its leaders back in Parliament via the Rajya
Sabha. Prominent among these are Mr. Buta Singh, Mr. M.L. Fotedar, Mrs.
Mohisina Kidwai, Mr. Balram Jakhar and Mr. Ghulam Nabi Azad. It is also eager
to get two of Mr. Rajiv Gandhi’s close aides --- Mr. R.K. Dhawan and Mr. Mani
Shankar Aiyer --- elected to the House. The BJP and the Left parties, for their
part, are not far behind. They, too, are trying to get some of their prominent
leaders elected from wherever possible.
In the process, the
ruling National Front, the Congress-I and other major parties are poised to
trample the Constitution both in its letter and spirit, ignoring the basic
scheme of the Rajya Sabha in India’s Union of States. Under
the Constitution, any voter in India can contest an election to the Lok Sabha
from anywhere in the country. But the same is not permitted for the Rajya
Sabha. Each member represents a State and is therefore elected by the members
of the Assembly of that State alone. Further, he has to be a registered voter
in the State and is required to be ordinarily a resident of that State. This
principle has been repeatedly undermined and the Constitution violated since
the time of Indira Gandhi. Mrs. Gandhi had, for instance, Mr. Pranab
Mukherjee, her Finance Minister, elected to the Rajya Sabha from Gujarat,
following his defeat in the Lok Sabha poll from his home State of West Bengal
in 1980. At present, we have Mr. Shiv Shankar elected from Gujarat and Mr. M.L.
Fotedar from U.P.
All this has come to
be accepted, thanks mainly to ignorance about the Rajya Sabha and its role. The
Rajya Sabha is not the Upper House or the Second Chamber, an expression which
connotes an inferior position. It has a status of its own and a specific role
to play unlike the House of Lords. In fact, Nehru made his position abundantly
clear in 1953 when a controversy erupted in regard to the respective powers of
the two Houses. He then stated the following in the Rajya Sabha on May 6, 1953:
“Under our Constitution, Parliament consists of two Houses, each functioning in
the allotted sphere laid down in the Constitution. We derive authority from the
Constitution. Sometimes we refer to the practice and conventions prevailing in
the United Kingdom… Our guide must, however, be our own Constitution… To call
either of these Houses as Upper House or a Lower House is not correct…Neither
House by itself constitutes Parliament. It is the two Houses together that are
the Parliament of India…”
Some basic facts about
the Rajya Sabha require to be restated. The Rajya Sabha cannot pass a vote of
no-confidence against the Council of Ministers. Nor is the Council of Ministers
under any obligation to resign if defeated on the floor of the House. The Rajya
Sabha’s powers in relation to financial matters and the budget are also much less
than those of the Lok Sabha. It has the power to discuss the budget. But it is
barred from either rejecting or amending a money bill. It can only make
recommendations to the Lok Sabha which the latter may or may not accept. A
money bill is deemed to have been passed by both Houses of Parliament if the
Lok Sabha declines to accept the recommendations of the Rajya Sabha. The Rajya
Sabha also appears to suffer a certain disability in a joint session of the two
Houses because of its numerical weakness --- its membership is limited to 250
as against 544 of the Lok Sabha. Nevertheless, the Rajya Sabha is invested with
certain special powers which add to its prestige and dignity.
The Constitution bars
the Lok Sabha from legislating in regard to matters specified in the State
List. However, the Rajya Sabha as the Council of States and representing the
federal principle is specially empowered under Article 249 to make it lawful
for Parliament to enact “in the national interest” legislation in regard to any
matter enumerated in the State List for the whole or any part of India. Again,
under Article 312(1) of the Constitution, the Rajya Sabha alone can empower
Parliament to create in the national interest one or more all India services
common to the Union and/or States. In exercise of this power, the Rajya Sabha
passed in 1961 a resolution for the creation of the Indian Service for
Engineers, the Indian Forest Service and the Indian Medical Health Service. A
similar resolution for the creation of the Indian Agricultural Service and the
Indian Educational Service was passed in 1965 by the Rajya Sabha by not less
than two-thirds of its members present and voting, a constitutional requirement.
One other aspect of
the Rajya Sabha needs to be emphasized. The Constitution makers wanted the
House to consist of persons of greater experience and eminence. They,
therefore, deliberately opted for three things. First, indirect elections from
the State legislatures. Second, fixation of minimum age for membership at 30
years as against 25 for the Lok Sabha. Third, nomination by the President of 12
persons “having special knowledge or practical experience in respect of
literature, science, art and social service.” But the hopes roused by the
Constitution have been belied during the past two decades. The provision has
been diluted and distorted unconscionably. Several eminent men adorned the
Rajya Sabha during Nehru’s time and for some years thereafter. They included
educationists like Dr. Zakir Hussain and Dr. P.V. Kane, an authority in
Dharmashastras, historians like Dr. Radha Kumud Mookerji and Dr. Tara Chand,
scientists like Satyendranath Bose, poets like Maithilisharan Gupta and
Harivansh Rai Bachchan and artists like Rukmini Devi Arundale and Prithiviraj
Kapoor.
Indira Gandhi misused the provision to provide a convenient
berth in the Rajya Sabha for
ex-Ministers such as Mr. Mohanlal Saksena and Mr. Jairamds Daulatram, a
Congress-I General Secretary, Mrs. M. Chandrashkhar and some others undeserving
of nomination. Last year, the Rajiv Gandhi Government nominated four partymen:
Mr. B.N. Pande, Mr. S.P. Mittal, Syeda Anwara Taimur (Assam’s former Chief
Minister) and Mr. M.L. Bhatia. Astonishingly thereafter, it chose Mr. Justice
M.H. Beg, formerly Chief Justice of India, for a vacancy. Mr. Justice Beg,
however, passed away a few days before the formalities could be completed.
Mohd. Yunus was then nominated in his place, causing all round surprise. Not
only that. Independent persons have been encouraged over the years to become
members of the ruling party, making a mockery of the Constitution whereunder
these members are barred from voting in the Presidential poll to emphasise
their non-alignment and independence. At least eight of the 12 nominated
members today are members of the Congress-I in violation of the Constitution
and its spirit.
Surprisingly, there is
serious talk at the time of writing that Dr. Raja Ramanna, Minister of State
for Defence, and Prof M.G.K. Menon, Minister of State for Science and
Technology are likely to be nominated to enable them to continue as Ministers.
Undoubtedly, Dr. Ramanna and Prof Menon are eminent scientists. Both qualify
for nominations to the Rajya Sabha. But it would be wholly wrong to nominate
them to enable them to continue as Ministers. A Union Minister told me in
Parliament on Friday: “There is no bar to the appointment of nominated members
as Ministers.” Yes, technically. But, as I explained to him, nomination of ministers
would go against the spirit of the Constitution and the unwritten convention.
Prof Nurul Hasan, presently Governor of West Bengal, honourably resigned his
nominated membership of the Rajya Sabha when Mrs. Gandhi invited him to join
her Council of Ministers. Nehru in his time inducted a good few eminent
non-partymen into his Cabinet, such as John Mathai and C.D. Deshmukh. All were,
however, elected to Parliament. Not one was nominated.
Where do we go from
here? Both Mr. V.P. Singh and Mr. Rajiv Gandhi need to find honourable ways of
bringing their party or non-party colleagues into Parliament --- and to desist
from violating the constitution and healthy conventions. In the present case,
only voters who are genuine residents in one State or another should represent
that State in the Rajya Sabha. For instance, Mr. Buta Singh, could be found a
safe seat for the Lok Sabha in Karnataka and a sitting member of the House from
that State provided a berth in the Rajya Sabha. Dr. Ramanna should be found a
place in the Rajya Sabha from his home State or a safe seat in the Lok Sabha.
Two points need to be borne in mind in the final analysis. The Rajya Sabha is
not the Second Chamber or the Upper House but the Council of States,
representing India’s federal character. Nominated members represent the
country’s conscience. They are expected to speak up loud and clear in the best
interest of the nation, not of any party. --- INFA
(Copyright,
India News & Feature Alliance)
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