Political Diary
New Delhi, 5 September 2023
Modi’s New Poser
ONE NATION, ONE POLL, ANYONE?
By Poonam I Kaushish
In this sultry season amidst coverage of forthcoming G 20 when Parties
are gearing up for upcoming Great Indian Political Circus, suffering from all-year
Perpetual Election Syndrome (PES), Government
caught Opposition off-gaurd by announcing Parliament’s five-day special session
18-22 September Thursday. Next day it set up a committee chaired by former
President Kovind to draw a roadmap for simultaneous polls, succinctly ‘one
nation, one election.’
Undoubtedly, it is one way to get
rid of incompetence, malfeasance and casual governance. But it is an idea that
needs to be debated extensively at all levels. Its pros and cons must be
weighted before arriving at a final solution as the change entails changing the
Constitution’s basic structure.Questionably, can one hold
simultaneous polls for Parliament, State Legislatures and Panchayats? If so,
would it be advisable in the best national interest? Given BJP backs
simultaneous polls, Congress, Left, TMC etc think it’s impractical, unworkable,
unfeasible and anti-democratic.
Those in favour argue with States
going to polls every year, running Central and State Governments has become
challenging. Amidst this nerve-racking money spewing elections vending machines
the solution to chronic PES lies in panacea of holding one mega election every
five years.
As once a Party is elected and
Government formed it can get down to work, take hard decisions in public
interest and concentrate on delivering good governance without worrying about its impact on its vote banks. As
several good initiatives are dumped due to electoral considerations lest it
upset a caste, community, religion or region. All, becoming victims of policy
paralysis, mismanagement and poor implementation.
Another benefit of concurrent
polls is it would result in huge financial saving as over the years election
costs have sky rocketed. In 1952, Lok Sabha and Assemblies elections cost was Rs
10 crores. In 1957 and 1962 expenditure came down to almost Rs 6 and Rs 7.5
crores respectively.
Let’s face it. Post 2019 Lok
Sabha elections, we witnessed 30 State Assembly polls and are now readying for
Rajasthan, MP, Chhattisgarh, Mizoram and Telangana. Next year it’s Andhra, Odisha, Arunachal, Sikkim
April, Maharashtra-Haryana October, Jharkhand November. February 2025 Delhi goes to polls followed by
Bihar December.
The 1999 Law Commission report
recommended a two-phase process with some Assemblies going to polls mid-term of
Lok Sabha and the remaining at the end of Lok Sabha's tenure, with the Election
Commission (EC) notifying polls six months before completion of the term.
Niti Aayog too concurred: Lok Sabha polls with
14 State elections May-June as is the current electoral cycle and remaining States
in second phase, roughly 2.5 years later.
The EC suggested
all elections falling in one year be conducted together and States going to
polls the same year as Lok Sabha be clubbed. This, with some curtailment/
premature dissolution of Assembly terms, would help in setting the stage for
simultaneous polls.
Pertinently, Prime Minister Modi has
repeatedly mooted this idea since 2016. Not only would it give netas and Party workers time to take
people-oriented schemes to people but also save the Exchequer and Parties money.
His idea was endorsed by the Law Commission
August 2018 as it would reduce burden on the administrative machinery which
could then focus on development activities rather than electioneering and security
forces. Two, where polls are slated for Lok Sabha and State Assemblies the same
year they could be advanced or postponed and held together while others
shortened or lengthened.
Undeniably, the relentless election
calendar is taking a toll. An election is always round the corner and once the
moral code of conduct kicks in it paralysis governance. Parties and Governments
with one eye on impending poll give in to seductions of populist moves and
shirk long-term policy and planning.
Recall, the 1952, 1957, 1962, 1967
elections saw concurrent elections for Centre and State legislatures. It was
only in 1971 when Indira Gandhi dissolved Lok Sabha and advanced polls by a
year that this synchronization fell apart. Resulting in many unstable
Governments at Centre and States, leading to early dissolution of Lok Sabha or Assemblies.
Moreover, expenditure spiralled,
doubling to over Rs 23 crores in 1980, further doubling to Rs 54 crores 1984
and Rs 154 crores 1989. In 1991expenses shot up to Rs 359 crores, 1999 to Rs
880 crores, 2004 Rs 1300 crores, 2014 Lok Sabha elections Rs 30,000 crores and staggering
Rs 60,000 crores in 2019.
However, the legal
and Constitutional position on Lok Sabha/ State Assembly term is challenging
and requires amendments, including ratification by States to avoid future legal
confrontation. An example: Article 83(2) and 172(1) aver Lok Sabha/ State Assembly
term respectively should be for five years from date of its first sitting.
But, both do
not have a fixed term and can be dissolved earlier. Further, the provisos allow
extension of Parliament/Assembly's term for six months at a time following a ‘proclamation
of emergency.’
Besides, Article
356 allows Centre to bring a State under President's rule by prematurely
dissolving its Assembly. But, the Anti-Defection Act, 1995 and Supreme Court
placed several safeguards to prevent misuse of this power.
This proposal
is not finding takers among INDIA Parties. Why should we agree to truncated
tenure of our State Government, is a common refrain. They believe the Government’s
motive of simultaneous elections is to bridge BJP’s weakness in the upcoming
State Assembly polls.
“It is motivated
by political
considerations, as when concurrent elections are held voters tend to vote for
the same Party. BJP knows it has unparalleled dominance at the national level. Also,
poll issues at Centre and States are different which would create confusion. A
Party could be deserving of support at the Centre for its policies and
performance at the national level. Yet, it could be deserving of popular
punishment and defeat for its policies and performance at State level. Also,
this fractious process would strain our federal fabric,” said a Congress
leader.
Some argue a fixed term for Lok Sabha/ State
Legislatures goes against Parliamentary democracy’s basic tenets. What happens
if after simultaneous polls, an Assembly’s five-year term is interrupted by
political realignments? Clearly, this would help the dominant national Party at
the Centre and disadvantage the regional player.
What happens if a Government falls at the Centre or State
mid-term? Or if a Government
enjoying people’s mandate is voted out, it would continue to hold office or be
replaced by another Government, which might not necessarily enjoy the popular
mandate?
Plainly, a Government
which lacks the confidence of the House would be foisted on the people, with no
say in the matter. Smacking of de facto
dictatorship or monarchical anarchy, an idea which translates into
unrepresentative governance. It would impose artificial fixity on legislatures
terms at Centre and States which is at odds with a system given its staggering
diversity.
To avoid this
EC suggests a no-confidence motion against a Government must come alongside a
confidence motion for another Government and Prime Minister and voting for both
motions done simultaneously. Ditto in State Assemblies.
True, there are cogent arguments
on either side: Development vs
accountability? Electoral expenses vs
political choices? Governance vs
electoral fairness? Given how elections
have an almost talismanic power in the country’s democracy the stakes couldn’t
be higher.
Remember, elections are the bedrock
of our democracy, we should avoid polls duplication. With States perpetually in
election mode, managing Government is akin to running with the hare and hunting
with the hound. India’s democracy should not be reduced to a tu-tu mein-mein between Parties all the
time. ---- INFA
(Copyright, India News
& Feature Alliance)
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