Round
The World
New Delhi, 2 August, 2017
Doklam Face-Off Continues
WAR RHETORIC, BUT UNLIKELY
By Prof. D. K. Giri
(Visiting Prof, International Politics, JMI)
The
Doklam stand-off at the India-China-Bhutan tri-junction which began in mid-June
seems to be escalating into a full-scale war. Experts believe that a conflict
is imminent between India and China unless the face-off is de-escalated through
talks.
China
demands withdrawal of troops before any talks begin. India says both forces should
pull-back and status quo ante at the tri-junction restored then only talks could
start for a long-term solution of border disputes. Neither side is prepared to
accommodate the others request. Consequently, the stalemate continues, pushing
both countries to the brink of war.
Yet
war speculations, albeit a limited one, continue to pour in. Beijing cannot
roll back as it would mean loss of image of being the biggest regional power
and an aspiring world super power. India will not pull out unilaterally lest it
should be seen as a lesser power than China, unable or unwilling to defend its
friends and allies.
Two,
for Beijing it means giving up part of its territory on which it has bonafide
claim for negotiation. For New Delhi even as it defends Bhutan’s territorial
claims, to let China build a road through Doklam entails serious security risks
The road would bring China close to ‘Chicken Neck’ which connects India to its
eight North-eastern States. New Delhi, can never allow this.
How
does one resolve the impasse? Diplomacy, war or both? The jury is still out.
Pertinently,
Beijing was building a road to Bhutan’s Zompleri military base through Doklam
which is currently disputed by Beijing and Thimpu. India supports Bhutan’s
claim over this plateau. China contends that as per the 1890 Border Settlement
Agreement between China and Imperial Britain, Doklam belongs to it. Thimpu
disputes the claim.
India,
as Bhutan’s closest ally with a stake in the area’s geo-politics backs Thimpu.
New Delhi also invokes Beijing’s position in 1955 and the 2012 agreement.
Recall, in 1955 , then Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai at the famous Bandung Conference,
said, “with some of our neighbouring countries, we have not yet fixed our
border lines and are ready to do so. But, before such negotiations can be held,
we are willing to maintain the present situation by acknowledging that these
parts of our border are parts which are undetermined.
“We
will restrain our Government and people from crossing even one step across our
border (and) if such things do happen we (would) admit our mistakes. As to the
determination of common borders which we will be undertaking with our
neighbouring countries, we shall use only peaceful means and we shall not
permit any other kind of method. In no case, shall we change that.”
Obviously,
Beijing has either forgotten Zhou Enlai’s historic statement or is conveniently
ignoring it to undertake its territorial expansionism. Similarly, in 2012,
India and China agreed that all disputed border areas will be re-determined
through negotiation.
Clearly,
Beijing has violated these commitments and continues to commit violations in a
calculated way. But it seems to have miscalculated this time. Evidently, China thought
of clandestinely constructing the road as Bhutan would not have the gall to
resist.
It
did not anticipate a strong reaction from New Delhi who, on Bhutan’s request
stepped in and stopped the construction work, mobilized its forces to prevent
Chinese incursion. Notwithstanding, in the past there have been incursion by
Chinese grazers, which Bhutan ignored but construction of a road up to the Bhutanese border is
unacceptable.
Many
argue that a limited military confrontation to end the deadlock is possible as
a diplomatic solution is not in sight. True, NSA Ajit Doval’s visit to Beijing apparently seems to have thawed the stand-off
resulting in a flurry of diplomatic exchanges between New Delhi and Beijing centered
around preparations for the BRICS summit in Xiamen early September.
However,
the stand-off is unlikely to subside without both sides securing face-saving
withdrawal of their respective troops. Equally, a military conflict is unlikely
due to five reasons. One, there have been stand-offs in 1987 in Arunachal’s Sumdorong
Chu Valley which was resolved after six years through an agreement to ensure
peace along the LAC. That too after heavy posturing by both sides, but
eventually they backed-off and talked.
Two,
China’s strength is mainly its economy built through trade and is the second
largest in the world. It has huge trade deficits in its favour with many countries,
$346 billion with the US and $46.6 billion with India. In the trade negotiation
with Washington last week, Beijing was strongly snubbed by US negotiators for
dumping cheap steel into America thereby creating a huge trade deficit against it,
rattling China.
Likewise,
Beijing would not like to lose any part of the Indian market. Although Indians
might go for cheaper Chinese goods, in case of war between the two countries,
China should not underestimate the surges of nationalism and mass boycott of
Chinese goods. This would hit China below its belt. Beijing will not risk such
a counter action.
Three,
Beijing might be proving the Marxian axiomatic prognosis that the next stage of
capitalism is imperialism. But, they should also heed the foreign policy dictum
that pragmatism is the name of the game. Whilst China tries to encircle India
by penetrating into its neighbouhood, New Delhi is squeezing Beijing internationally
through its strategic partnerships with big powers Beijing would have to be
mindful of - United States, Japan, Israel, Chinese antagonists in South East
Asia, Mongolia, countries of European Union etc.
Four,
both countries are nuclear powers. There are no winners in a nuclear war, only
losers. In desperation, nuclear countries can use the most disastrous earth-destroying
nuclear weapons in a war situation. China is heavily wary of a tiny country
like North Korea because of latter’s nuclear arsenal. So, it might not mess
with India. Five, the whole world will like to prevent a war between the two
most populous countries in the world and the biggest markets.
Undeniably,
one is not sure of any occurrence in world politics including bilateral
relations. Anything is possible, even war. At any rate, India needs to
recognize China as the biggest threat to its security and growth. The big power
play between New Delhi and Beijing will continue for long in the Asian theatre.
India
needs to match China in economy and military strength. The only decisive edge New
Delhi has over Beijing is diplomacy as it is a democracy and not perceived by
any as an aggressor country. Hence, until India is an equal power, in theory,
to China it has to use its diplomatic prowess to contain and neutralize its
neigbour.
Importantly,
this is the biggest foreign policy challenge facing the NDA Government. Can
Modi use his so-called ‘charm-offensive’ to meet this? Will the conservative
foreign policy establishment support the Prime Minister effectively? Are Modi and Sushma Swaraj up to
it? We need to watch the story as it unfolds. ----- INFA
(Copyright, India News & Feature Alliance)
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