Political Diary
New
Delhi, 1 August 2017
Ghar Wapasi
NITISH BACK IN BJP
BED
By Poonam I Kaushish
Na na karte pyar tumhe se kar baithe, karna tha inkar
magar ikarar tumhe se kar bathe. This Bollywood song could well be the tune
JD(U)’s Nitish hummed as he swooned in to old ally BJP’s arms. A bitter-sweet ghar wapasi!
The writing was on
the wall in 2015. In fact, bets were placed how soon the ruling
Nitish-Lalu-Congress Mahagadhbandhan in Bihar would break given that the two protagonists though identical in political upbringing were unlike in
demeanour and track record of governance: Nitish’s development vs. Lalu’s Jungle raj.
By forcing his two ladlas in Nitish’s Cabinet controlling eight Ministries and a
daughter into the Rajya Sabha, Lalu made plain his intention of perpetuating
his dynasty.
Wherein, governance became increasing untenable being pulled in various
directions akin to a kingless regime infested by many kings! It was only a
matter of time. The corruption cases against Lalu’s son and Dy Chief Minister
Tejashwi was the final nail in the coffin.
In many ways the
‘midnight’ drama has bloodless coup pasted all over it, for the swiftness with
which it unfolded underscores it was in the irons for sometime. Scripted in New
Delhi it was implemented in Patna with only a few BJP and JD(U) senior leaders
privy to the developments. The Bihar Chief Minister and Prime Minister Modi
were in constant touch with each other via mediators. Reportedly, post
President Kovind’s swearing-in Nitish had a 'secret' meeting with Jaitley,
parallely Sushil Modi was in touch with Amit Shah.
Clearly, the Mahagatbandhan’s
break-up will have far reaching implications for the BJP-led NDA and
disarrayed Opposition Parties. The only beneficiary of the Bihar July 2017 saga is the BJP. For Modi he kills two
birds with one stone, gets a foothold in Bihar and defuses Nitish’s ambition as
joint Opposition candidate for Bharat’s
Gaddi in 2019.
Also, Nitish would
serve as the BJP’s latest poster boy for “sewa” highlighting a “corrupt”
Opposition all for “mewa”. From
Lalu’s family accretion wealth to Mamata’s Narada–Sarada scams, DMK’s 2G et al.
Ironically, those who
have worked with Modi and Nitish swear that both share many common traits. Both
are ruthless yet flexible, meticulous, honest, hardworking and come from humble
backgrounds. In their respective settings, both are often accused of being
“arrogant and authoritative”. Their politics may diverge but the twain meeting
needs to be watched.
Predictably, the
cloak-and-dagger manoeuvres by Nitish left the Congress-led Opposition stunned.
Left high and dry it has
left Opposition’s unity in tatters and raises questions over the Congress’s
ability to counter the Saffron Party in the 2019 general elections.
For losing another
large and politically important state like Bihar after UP is a huge setback as Sonia
was working overtime to forge a grand alliance, read ‘mythical entity’ at the
national level on the Bihar experiment to take on the ‘communal’ BJP.
Importantly, the
Congress-led Opposition would now have to tighten its belt for 2019 sans its
‘cleanest’ leader who could have emerged as its mascot. Thereby, raising a
question mark on a dis-spirited rank and file on how to move forward and stop
the Modi juggernaut? As it stands the BJP is in power in 17 of 29 States.
The possibility of Rahul Gandhi as a dependable
alternative in 2019 is becoming bleaker given that even after over a decade he
has still not learnt the ropes of politics, politicking and political timing.
Senior Congress leaders complain that he twiddled his thumbs even after he was
warned of Nitish-Modi bonhomie. Not a
few, view Bihar as good riddance of Rahul.
True, Nitish had attempted to build a new image
after bedding BJP for 17 years by shouting for a Sangh Mukt Bharat and castigating Modi. But the corrupt escapades
of Lalu left him no escape route but to return. Obviously, with the depleted
Opposition he went along-with popular thinking that the Modi wave would
continue even after two years.
Notwithstanding, his critics accusing him for
hopping from one coalition to another, calling him the most opportunistic of
turncoat politicians Nitish’s supporters
invoke grand ideological narratives of enjoying a comfort quotient with
the Hindutva brigade.
But either which way his return has left the
Bihar Chieftain a much weaker ally of the BJP than he was during 2005 to 2013
and cost him his image and credibility. He could be even dispensable and can no
longer harbour a national role for himself as he could have in a Congress-led front.
Obversely, both Nitish and Modi are on the same
page vis-à-vis development and good
governance. The Chief Minister is bound to push again for a special status for
Bihar and it won’t be surprising if some of NaMo’s pet schemes get thumbs up
success in the State as both New Delhi and Patna are ruled by the same
political formation.
Add to this, unlike the BJP with its strong
cadre base Nitish's caste group is neither numerous nor as widespread across
Bihar. Also, with NaMo’s return he has lost the few Muslim votes he had. Time
will tell whether the Mahdalits and Ati Pichhrha remain enamoured with him
rather than get saffronised.
Paradoxically, it is to early to write of
Lalu. The renewed JD(U)-BJP ties might
stoke a huge political battle with the RJD Chief who feels “cheated” and
“betrayed” by Nitish. Lalu and Parivar would definitely try to derive
maximum political capital out of Nitish’s betrayal.
That the 'Grand Alliance' was an uneasy one was
palpable soon after the formation of the JD(U)-RJD Government in November 2015.
Certainly, Nitish was not only uncomfortable with this arrangement but also
unhappy of not getting a free hand in functioning.
Worse, at every step the Chief Minister’s image
of being a performing and clean administrator with no dynasty to perpetuate was
being badly besmirched by RJD storm troopers with Lalu calling police station
chiefs to meet him, resorting to goonda
gardi, running a parallel system something which was history during the
JD(U)-BJP 2005-2013 rule.
Add to this, Lalu had started reaching out to
Mayawati’s BSP and Akhilesh’s Samajwadi
Party's to bolster his own position
which might have caused Nitish additional insecurity. Being a shrewd
politician, Lalu knows he has to first fend off his taint and that he cannot
fight elections until 2021 till then he had anointed son Tejashwi to keep alive
the RJD flame.
Undoubtedly, the JD(U)-BJP revival could well be
the harbinger of change, nationally. With half of India’s population in the
18-35 age bracket the aspirational levels of a young democracy has changed
dramatically. No longer are old clichés, Styrofoam promises and histrionics
palatable. All demand an Obama-like “Yes we can” politics.
However it will not be roses all the way. In an
age of 24/7 digital world of post-truth and post-ideology politicking, there is
the stirrings of new politics. An intent generation is unlikely to remain content in a scenario
where a Modi-led Government does not create jobs or contain rural distress.
In sum, the Bihar spark has ignited a new chingari and shown there are never any
full stops in politics.
The Modi-Nitish chemistry will
determine the success of the both the Centre and State Government. What
gives? ----- INFA
(Copyright, India
News & Feature Alliance)
New Delhi
29 July 2017
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