Round The World

New Delhi, 14 November 2007

India’s Security Environment

NEEDS TO PLAY DYNAMIC ROLE IN REGION

By Dr. Chintamani Mahapatra

School of International Studies, JNU

The Prime Minister Man Mohan Singh’s visit last week to Russia was aimed at cementing further the growing defense ties and security partnership with Moscow. The same as the India-US Nuclear Deal and bourgeoning defense cooperation aim at a new strategic partnership with the US.

While India’s strategic equation with Russia is not altogether new, there has been a need to readjust and accommodate newer issues in the light of a transformed international environment since the Soviet collapse. The emerging strategic equation with the US, however, signifies a paradigm shift in Indian foreign policy orientation.

In addition, India has been increasingly engaging the European Union, China and Japan in a relatively more intense economic web than was the case during the Cold War. Over all, India’s relations with all major powers have been cordial, accommodative and friendly and contributing to India’s ability to play a major role in international politics and economics.

Nonetheless, success in the high politics area is accompanied by progressively more disturbing developments in the security environment of India. As the year slowly draws to an end, the country’s security environment appears to be sliding towards more and more violence, chaos and centrifugal tendencies.

The emergency in Pakistan, the rising Taliban activism in Afghanistan, political violence in Myanmar, separatist violence in Sri Lanka, uncertainty in Nepal and instability in Bangladesh all indicate that India is in the midst of a region wide turmoil.

There is no gainsaying that peace and stability in the neighborhood alone can ensure that India’s slow but steady emergence as an economic powerhouse and significant global actor proceeds without interruptions and roadblocks. But the approach of the Union Government to regional developments does not seem to be emphatic enough for conflict resolution or even conflict management.

While India has abandoned its traditional antipathy to its external role in regional events and has been cooperating with the growing American involvement in South Asian politics, New Delhi’s role has been quite marginal in affecting outcomes in the neighborhood.

India has been assisting the reconstruction and state building efforts in Afghanistan by committing some financial resources and manpower. But it is hardly a member of the decision making process dominated by the US and a few NATO member countries. India’s indirect support to foreign military presence has been duly noted by the opposition groups in Afghanistan that are battling the foreign forces.

New Delhi likewise does not appear to be calling the shots in Nepal. In fact, the Indian role in the events and issues of Kathmandu indicate that the traditional Indian influence has considerably eroded in that Himalayan mini-State. The US influence in Nepal is on the ascendance and the Nepalese leaders appear to be more comfortable dealing with China than India.

As far as Sri Lanka is concerned, India’s role in conflict management was ineffective in the past and is remote and secondary at present. A distant Norway has been diplomatically more dynamic and more deep interested in resolving Sri Lanka’s civil war than neighboring India. Moreover, the American and Chinese role in this island nation has been steadily growing along side the relative decline of Indian influence.

In Myanmar, China has a stronger presence than India in terms of current economic involvement. Politically, Beijing has less inhibition than New Delhi in cooperatively engaging Yangon in view of its authoritarian governing structure. But India has been currently sharing equal blame with China in the international community for maintaining stronger linkages with the military junta and hindering international efforts to restore democracy in Myanmar.

To say the least, India lacks the ability to play a role in conflict management in Pakistan, but simultaneously finds it enormously difficult to insulate itself from the chaos and confusion spreading to different parts of Pakistan.

In other words, India’s rising profile in the global economic and political discourses is marked by a steady decline of its role and influence in regional affairs. During the Cold War era, New Delhi’s ambition to acquire the status of a major Asian power was knocked down by events along its border.

In the post-Cold War era, its economic successes, development of nuclear weapons and missile capability and a strategy of engaging major world powers in political, economic or strategic partnerships catapulted the status of New Delhi in the international community.

The “Look East “ foreign policy strategy of India enabled it earn the status of a full dialogue partner of ASEAN, annual summit partner in the form of ASEAN+1 and membership in the ASEAN Regional Forum. Pending India’s membership in the APEC Forum, New Delhi was given a green signal of its future acceptability in the Asia-Pacific region when it was invited to be a member of the East Asia Summit.

While India acquired the status of an observer in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, it was instrumental in the formation of the Indian Ocean Rim Association for Regional Cooperation. In addition, South Block has established a triangular dialogue forum with Russia and China to promote mutual interest and to seek the establishment of a multi-polar global structure.

The most significant development, however, is paradigm shift in Indian foreign policy orientation towards the United States. From a largely estranged relationship during the Cold War, Indo-US relations has turned into one of the most dynamic bilateral engagements among the world major powers in recent years.

Besides forging a strategic partnership with the US, the Indian Government has embarked upon a path thought nuclear energy cooperation that, if successful, would cement the emerging intense cooperative framework with that country to an extent of possibly no return. This is precisely the reason why the Indian political leadership cutting across party lines and the foreign policy analysis community are deeply engrossed in a debate on this issue.

One political fall out of India’s rising political, economic and military cooperation with the US is an altered foreign policy orientation of countries traditionally allied with the US towards India. Japan, Australia and the ASEAN countries in particular have abandoned their conventional approach towards India.

This is reflected, among other forms of cooperation, in repeated India’s naval exercises in various permutation and combinations with the navies of these countries. There are speculations over the emergence of a quadrilateral relationship involving India, Japan, Australia and the United States.

While India’s foreign policy at the moment defies any structured principles or patterns, it sometimes appears quite mystified, overlapping and radar-less. Indian foreign policy establishment seems to be continually responding to developments in the region rather than planning and strategizing to meet the present and future challenges. There is a mismatch in India’s approach to major powers and regional conflicts and problems.

The foreign policy establishment needs to be more innovative and dynamic in its approach to the regional development and great power relationships to make India a viable player in Asian and global affairs. ---- INFA

(India News & Feature Alliance)