Events & Issues
New
Delhi, 26 December 2011
Participatory Democracy
DIRECT ACTION NEW MANTRA
By Dr S Saraswathi
(Former, Director, ICSSR, New
Delhi)
Direct involvement of people in
politics and public affairs on a nationwide scale not witnessed since the
freedom movement has in the recent months been resurrected and given a new
thrust. The movement against corruption led by Anna Hazare has thus not only
attracted national and global attention but has earned a reputation in foreign
media as one of the most effective events in the world during 2011.
The politics of direct action is not
new in this country on local, regional, and State levels for myriad local
causes. But, this movement against corruption stands unique due to the scale of
its operation, the size of the support it receives and the impact it has made on
the public and the authorities.
In recent years, New Social
Movements (NSM) have emerged in all countries – democracies and dictatorships
- to fight “for” rights, and “against”
wrongs. Feminist movements, environmental movements, tribal and aboriginal
people’s movements, civil rights movements, etc., take place in all democracies
despite the presence of governments run by elected representatives of the
people. These are not normally considered as anti-democratic or parallel power
points and not put down as unnecessary or dangerous intrusion into the
functioning of elected governments. On the contrary, their contributions are
hailed as substantive in building a better future.
Such movements in peaceful and
non-violent manner are legally permitted form of participation and/or
expression of dissent in democracies. They become necessary if and when legally
established authorities fail to act or respond or delay action on issues that
agitate all or considerable sections of the people.
While political leadership in the
country is well-versed with the bane of corruption, it is worth remembering the
Independence Day speech of then Prime Minister I K Gujral. Addressing the
nation, way back in 1997, he raised a thought-provoking question: “Why can’t we
start a new kind of Satyagraha, a kind of non-cooperation movement which would
proclaim that whatever the hardship, we won’t pay bribe?” He was stressing the
need for a movement against corruption in high places as well as against “small
corruption”.
He observed that the country could
be defended against external aggression by its Armed Forces, but there is no
defence against greedy, anti-national elements within the country. Thus, our
attention was drawn to the truth that the enemy within is more dangerous than the
one outside. Further, confidence was expressed that a movement of social
boycott could be launched against the corrupt in mohallas, localities, and villages.
He pledged to fight against corruption which, in his words, had
established itself as a “birth right”.
This powerful oration of a former
Prime Minister in favour of direct action by the people to fight against a
widespread evil corroding politics, public administration, and indeed all kinds
of public activities needs to be recalled to remind ourselves that the need for
non-violent direct action has had the support of political leaders in power in
the past. That the target aimed at that time was massive corruption is a
coincidence to the present situation that India is facing.
The rulers in the Government and
political parties have reason to welcome direct participation of the people to
ascertain their candid views, assess their mood, and gauge their true reaction
face to face without intermediaries. To this extent, it can promote democratic
functioning of parliamentary democracy.
Numerous instances of effective
direct action of the people as in the Chipko Movement may be cited from all
parts of the country. Indeed, direct action has become common to express
people’s views and make authorities act.
Direct action is perhaps a symptom
of the growing need and desire for genuine participatory democracy within the
present system of representative democracy, in which people elect their
representatives once in five years and leave them free to rule with the support
of majority of the members elected.
Power is vested in the “majority”, and the test of success is the
ability to muster majority support to form the Government and the same ability
to retain majority support in Parliament to make policies and legislations and
to retain power. The voters have no
control over the members elected. Their
job ends with casting their votes.
Therefore, the Governments are
literally in a position to adopt even unpopular policies if they so desire for
any reason by mustering the support of parliamentary majority. It can be easily
achieved in single party rule. In
multi-party coalitions, behind scene maneuvers involving “give and take” and a
common object of safeguarding power and positions come into play for building
majority. The system contains the seeds of dissociation of parliamentary
majority and the people. The voice of the parliamentary minority is silenced
and that of the people not heard at all.
Hence, the voice unheard within
Parliament may look for an outlet outside resulting in the growth of
extra-parliamentary force. Street level politics results from Parliament’s
inability and sometimes refusal to hear and heed the voice of the people.
People’s participation in the form of
mobilizing and exercising direct pressure for and against policies and actions
of the Government does not amount to disregard of the latter and its various
organs. Pressure group politics is normal in all democracies. Peaceful direct
action is a form of pressure politics.
In recent days, with reference to
the drafting of the Lokpal Bill, a controversy has arisen over supremacy -- the
contenders being the Parliament and the people. Doubtless, Parliament is the
supreme law-making body and this has never been contested, but it is created by
the people and assigned this job under the Constitution adopted by “We, the
people of India”.
Parliament exists for the people and not the people for Parliament. It is
proverbial that the voice of the people is the voice of God.
Parliament’s exclusive prerogative
for legislation is not challenged and cannot be diminished by people’s
participation and contributions including draft legislations. Voluntary
organizations can only enrich legislations, add inputs based on ground
realities and experience of the people, and thus bridge the gap between the
people and the legislators. It is in the
interest of law-makers to avail of the rich experience and sound ideas coming
from non-political sources through whatever means – dialogue or non-violent
pressure. The trend all over the world and increasingly in India today is
towards establishing participatory democracy.---INFA
(Copyright,
India News and Feature Alliance)
|