Round The World
New Delhi, 19 December 2007
Build National
Consensus
Whither
Indo-US Nuclear DEAL?
By Dr. Chintamani
Mahapatra
School of International Studies, JNU
The Government of India is not saying much now on the
nuclear deal with the United
States. The opposition parties are no longer
vomiting much fire on this deal. It seems in the last parliamentary debate on
this issue, a new unwritten understanding has been reached that majority of the
members of parliament are not happy with the deal, but the CPM and its allies
would not bring down the Government on this issue. The BJP will be too happy to
see this government go, but cannot do much to affect this outcome.
The media is not able to get anything new on this issue to
report. The op-ed page editors are not much interested on this topic any more.
Some academic institutions still show some interest on this topic and seminars
are in the pipeline in different parts of India. But the passionate debate
for or against the deal seems to have run out of steam.
Frankly the entire episode on the hindsight appears to have
been badly managed by the Government as well as the opposition political
parties. The beginning of the mistake was in the very title of the
issue—“Nuclear Deal”. The Americans use the term “deal” with certain amount of
respect. But it is not a decent word to use in India. But every section of the
debaters repeatedly used this term. A better term would have been “proposed
Indo-US civilian nuclear cooperation”.
Most of the opposition to civilian nuclear cooperation with
the United States
was political in nature. The merit of this issue was considered and taken note
of by a microscopic group of experts. The majority who gave an opinion on this
issue did not quite understand the technical details of this issue. But the
majority cannot be faulted on this. The problem lied with the opinion makers,
political leaders and even the media to some extent. Some of the TV channels
began to take street opinions on this issue. Debate is not necessarily always good
in a democracy. If the debate has to take place, it should be among those who
understand the issue or prepared to take a deeper look into it.
The political leaders made this issue into a political
football. The steps taken were not adequately planned or carefully timed. The
concerns raised were half baked and not well thought out. For example, the
Government should have recognized the fact an initiative that could have
fundamentally altered the foreign policy and diplomatic orientation of the
country should have been done with consultation of major political parties. In
a democracy, different political parties come and go out of power.
An agreement that would bind the country with commitments
for a long duration should not have been attempted without in-house
deliberations. Indeed, the major coalition partners of the UPA Government felt
isolated from a path breaking initiative and thus a crude debate on this theme
unfolded. It is actually a lesson for the future government in India not to
repeat this mistaken approach. Because of this error in keeping a major foreign
policy and national security initiative in a veil secrecy, the best of
intentions and benefits have been doubted. Under the US system of government, Presidents
are allowed to spring surprises. Henry Kissinger’s secret trips abroad,
particularly to China,
George Bush’s secret visits to Iraq
and many others are part of the American foreign policy processes. But in a
multi-party democracy such as India
secret initiatives and springing surprises are not very appropriate except in
the cases of dire emergence or national security imperatives.
While the Government can truly be held responsible for the
undue delay in implementing the 123 agreement, the points of concerns and
objections raised by many opposition parties contains more politics and less
merit. For instance, the issue of sovereignty was raised in an age of
globalization. The time and environment in which “sovereignty” as a concept was
defined and understood was vastly different from the world of today. If
countries, including the US,
accept and implement Austin’s
definition of sovereignty, international relations will instantly come to an
end.
Secondly, the point that the Americans will come to dictate India’s foreign
policy in the wake of civilian nuclear cooperation is absolutely absurd. By
giving selective instances when the Government of India happened to be
supporting resolutions in international institutions along with the US came to be dubbed as US pressure.
This is not to deny that Americans do not put pressure on other countries. But
to suggest that India’s
foreign policy behaviour was the outcome of US pressure would be certainly
wrong. Even India
puts pressure on others at times. When India’s
position on Soviet military intervention in Hungary
clearly appeared pro-Moscow, was it Soviet pressure that worked or India’s belief
that it was the best course of action commensurate with national interest
worked?
The Left parties are certainly right in pointing out that
Indo-US civilian nuclear tie-ups are not confined to energy and economy-related
issue. They are also right in suggesting that the US has geo-political interests to
serve through this nuclear initiative. But what is wrong with that? Does India not have
its own geo-political goals and ambitions? The answer that we should seek is
not whether the US
would benefit from this deal, but whether it would serve Indian national
interests.
No political, economic, social or security issue can be
compartmentalized. No bargaining can bring absolutely equal exchanges,
particularly between unequal parties. But then no two countries are absolutely
equal in the wealth, size, population or military capabilities. In this case
also the US is a superpower
and India
is an aspirant global player. The nuclear cooperation initiative is a win-win
situation and there is no dispute about it. If both the parties want
fifty-fifty benefits from this initiative, this is never going to work. Asking
for it would mean showing disinterest.
According to best of minds among the country’s experts and
the present government, the proposed nuclear cooperation with the US will bring
considerable benefits to the country. And this is what matters the most.
Unfortunately, the Government has not been adequately able to do its job of
convincing the people and political parties. Prime Ministerial statements are
perhaps not enough. Simultaneously, the opposition concerns are not very
convincing. Actually the quality of debate in the US on this issue is rich. Both the
opposition and the ruling parties can learn from it. Debate is not always good.
Whenever it is good, it should not be endless. It is time; we Indians develop a
national consensus and not division on a crucial national security issue.
---INFA
(Copyright,
India News and Feature Alliance)
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