Round The World
New Delhi, 17 July 2007
Turmoil In Pakistan
MUSHARRAF ON HIS
WAY OUT?
By Sreedhar
With each passing
day Pakistan
is slowly moving in to a chaotic situation. Initially what started as a silent
protest against the arbitrary dismissal
of the Chief Justice of Pakistan Chaudhary, on 9 March last by President Musharraf,
is now snow-balling into a movement against military rule. It is uncertain whether
there will be a show-down between the authorities and the protestors but cracks
are appearing in the polity. This is one scenario unfolding in Pakistan.
There was a public outcry against the vandalism let loose by
Gen. Musharraf’s henchmen, the Muttahide Quami Movement (MQM) in Karachi in mid-May. The
fight between the warring factions raised a question: Is there rule of law in
the army-ruled Pakistan? Interestingly, once renegade, the MQM’s
support to President Musharraf today has not endeared him to Pakistan’s political
elite or to the international community.
The first signs of the international community’s displeasure
were the revelation in the Western media about the US
and its allies’ aid to Pakistan.
According to these reports, Islamabad
was being paid US $1 billion annually for the past six years in the West’s
fight against terrorism. Two, post 9/11 for capturing the ring leaders of these
terrorists’ outfits who are currently living in Pakistan. In simple arithmetic, the
West is paying almost two-thirds of Pakistan’s defence budget during
this period. This reality check is prompting one to ask: How far should they go
with Gen. Musharraf?
Not only that. According to reports from Islamabad, the institution of the armed
forces is coming under increasing criticism. The issue is not whether Musharraf
can hold the dual charge of the Presidency and the Chief of the Army Staff. But
the fact that there is a growing discontentment in the armed forces about the
disrepute to which they are being subjected to.
For instance, in the Karachi
demonstrations, a poster showing the Pakistani flag with a military man’s shoe
over it became immensely popular. Whether this will adversely affect the
command and control structure of the armed forces is not known as yet. The only
indication is that some middle-level officers tried to stage a coup against
Musharraf in December 2005 but failed in their plans.
In the past, during different periods of Pakistani history, the
armed forces as a unit were never criticized by the crowds. However, for the
first time, during the current ongoing protests against Gen. Musharraf, slogans
like napak (impure) army muradabad
have been raised. Something the armed
forces are not used to. It remains to be seen whether top serving Generals like
Gen. Ahasan Saleem Haq and Gen. Ehasanul Haq will react sharply against this
criticism and make Gen. Musharraf pay for it. If they do so, it would not be
surprising.
Some Pakistani commentators state that Gen. Musharraf
divided the army into three distinct administrative units which reduced the chances
of coup by the army. However, it would be premature to state how far this
compartmentalization of the armed forces is effective in the fast changing
political uncertainty in Pakistan.
According to reports from Islamabad,
pro-Musharraf elements are prevailing on the President to do something dramatic
to checkmate the growing anarchy and his dwindling popularity.
At another level, the opposition to Gen. Musharraf rule is
increasing in Western Capitals. The question being asked is: How long do they
have to support the autocratic rule of a military ruler? Though the Bush Administration
is not willing to change gears in Islamabad publicly, as Pakistan continues to
be the lynch pin in its war against terrorism, policy makers are increasingly
feeling that it would be difficult to continue to support Gen. Musharraf. As
one US Congressman reportedly said, “Why should we pay our taxpayers’ money to
a dictator who wants to perpetuate army rule and be friendly with terrorists at
the same time.”
Adding to the Western discontent was the six-month-long confrontation
between Musharraf’s Government and the Lal
Masjid Mullahs in Islamabad which
ended in Operations Silence. The over hundred
deaths of radical Islamists including some Uzbek, Chechen and Arabs showed that
the terrorists had penetrated even the nation’s Capital.
Moreover, the resistance from the radical groups in Lal Masjid appeared to have been
approved at the highest level of the Al-Qaeda. A day after Operations Silence
ended, both Osama and al-Zawahry, talked of martyrdom and asked the Muslims of
Pakistan to revolt against Gen. Musharraf. Clearly indicating that the battle
lines are being drawn between Islamabad and Al-Qaeda.
On its part, the West perceives Islamabad’s response as weak-kneed
in dealing with the radical groups. In fact, the Government was forced to call
the army, the last instrument for any Government, to evict the radicals from Lal Masjid. Also, as the Lal Masid drama was unfolding, a suicide
bomber in Baluchistan attacked an army convoy on 4 July last, killing 11 people
including 6 army officers. Again, on 12 July there was a suicide bomb attack in
the NWFP against a Pak army convoy killing 45 soldiers.
Making plain that the armed forces headed by Gen. Musharraf
are no longer the darling of the masses;
and the ‘hate armed forces’ is snowballing into a movement. It remains to be
seen whether this will lead to an open confrontation that can derail the
existing power structure.
Pertinently, during Gen. Zia ul Haq rule, the Lal Masjid and its Mullahs were favoured by the armed forces. A large number of
officers and men from the armed forces used to go to there regularly and pray, as
late as 2005 and 2006. In the post Zia period, it became a hub of terrorist
organizations like the Taliban, al-Qaeda and Jaish-e-Mohammad, right under the
nose of Islamabad’s concerned authorities and in the vicinity of the diplomatic
corps present there.
Clearly indicating that two of Pakistan’s three pillars (Allah,
America and Armed Forces) are no longer comfortable with Gen. Musharraf and his
style of ruling. The armed forces are the only institution supporting him, and
will continue to do till such time as he is able to get ‘goodies’ from the US. According
to reports, Washington is already working on alternatives to Gen. Musharraf.
From New Delhi’s perspective, the ongoing Indo-Pak dialogue and
Confidence Building Measures must continue at two levels. One, hold talks with
the armed forces-dominated Government in Islamabad. At the same time, develop contacts
with other forces which may seize power at an opportune time or influence the
course of events in the coming months. Therefore, India has to engage with a
broad spectrum of people from various fields including the armed forces in
Pakistan.
In sum, there is no gainsaying that a tough job lies ahead for
our South Block mandarins. Specially, against the backdrop that on the last two
occasions, South Block missed the bus. Recall, New Delhi was clueless when Gen
Yaya Khan replaced Field Marshal Ayub Khan in 1969 and Bhutto led public
demonstrations. Again, in 1988 India was caught off guard when Gen. Zia-ul-Haq
died in air ‘accident”. India cannot afford be caught off guard this time
round. ----- INFA
(Copyright India News and Feature
Alliance)
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