Round The World
New Delhi, 5 July 2011
NSG Decision On ENR
INDIA NEEDS TO STAND UP
By Monish Tourangbam
Research Scholar, School of
International Studies (JNU)
The
non-proliferation issue hogs the limelight again, leading to an eruption of
deep-seated Indian concerns about the nature of the international
non-proliferation regime. The Nuclear Suppliers’ Group (NSG) reported decision
to ban transfer of ENR (enrichment and reprocessing) technologies to countries
that have not signed the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) has led to a
barrage of deliberations and speculations on the future of India’s nuclear
commerce, and its civilian nuclear deals with countries, specifically US.
Recall,
in 2008, New Delhi
managed to get an India-specific NSG-waiver, ending its isolation from
international nuclear commerce. It led to a number of nuclear agreements with many
countries. But these were contingent upon India meeting certain specific
safeguards, including the separation of its military and civilian nuclear programme.
With India
being exceptional in maintaining a clean record on non-proliferation and having
in place a unilateral moratorium on further nuclear testing, the exception
given to it is not something handed on a platter.
It
comes as a result of New Delhi’s sincere efforts
and belief in controlling any sort of proliferation of nuclear materials and
know-how, unlike nuclear-enabled countries like neighboring Pakistan, where
the father of its nuclear programme, A.Q.Khan has been exposed as the king of
nuclear black-market. And unlike Pakistan,
where the safety of its nuclear arsenal is highly questionable due to internal instability,
India’s
nuclear infrastructure is very secure.
India still
refuses to acknowledge the NPT accusing it of being discriminatory and
increasing the divide between the nuclear haves and have-nots. But, one has to
concentrate on India’s track
record despite it, compared to other countries like China which has highly questionable
credentials regarding proliferation while remaining an active member of the NPT
and NSG.
The reported decision of new NSG guidelines for
further restrictions on transfer of ENR, puts signing the NPT as a
pre-requisite for obtaining sensitive technology. Since, India is the only country outside the NPT that
is allowed to receive such technology from NSG members; the current move is
being seen as targeted towards India.
But, the NSG decision is supposedly at an early stage and uncertainties abound
as to the entire framework of implementation.
There
are many carpers within India
who have been questioning the transparency and sincerity of the American Government
in its nuclear relationship with New
Delhi. The
current turn of events at the NSG have given much fodder to them to go after
the Manmohan Singh Government, also caught in a vortex of corruption-led mess
in the domestic scene. Analysts have pointed out the anomaly of the NSG reported
decision given that the same organization is increasingly debating India’s case for
membership.
The US
has been quite active in putting forward and emphasizing India’s case for membership
in this nuclear cartel, besides in multi-lateral arms control bodies like the
Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR), the Australia Group and the Wassenaar
Group. Countries like France
and Britain have also come
out in support for New Delhi’s
membership.
According
to sources, prior to the recent NSG meeting in Netherlands, the US reportedly circulated
a confidential “thought paper” among NSG members on the “process” that could
get India membership of the body, suggesting to highlight New Delhi’s clean
non-proliferation records and its efforts towards international nuclear
disarmament.
Responding
to the issue, Foreign Secretary Nirupama Rao sought to calm nerves, saying it
was not the end of the road, and that the new NSG guidelines in question had
not yet been published in open text. Said she, “I
am not going to draw a doomsday scenario from this. As I said, this is a
dynamic process. Nothing is set in stone. This is not the end of the road. And
as I said, there is a balance of interest and commitments involved. There are
questions of reciprocity.”
She emphasized the point that India,
being the hub of nuclear commerce and one of the biggest markets of legal
nuclear business, had major leverages, thus reassuring New Delhi’s interests would
not be jeopardized at any cost. Adding, “The
whole issue of full bilateral civil nuclear cooperation, the fact that India has the
potential to develop 60,000 mw of electricity from nuclear energy by 2030 so,
this is a dynamic process. We have an expanding nuclear industry. This is a
great attraction to the rest of the world.”
She sought to reiterate the
importance that India
attached to the clean exemption given by the NSG waiver in 2008 and the commitments
given by major countries in their bilateral nuclear agreements with the Government.
On this count, India can indeed count on the promises of the countries that are
intent on doing clean, good nuclear business with India like the US, France and
Russia.
In response to concerns in India regarding the NSG decision, these
countries wasted no time in reiterating their resolve to remain committed to
their nuclear agreements with India.
Asserted France's ambassador to India Jerome Bonnafont, “Coming after the decision of
exemption from the full-scope safeguards clause, adopted in favour of India in
September 2008, it does not undermine the principles of this exemption.”
The outgoing US
ambassador to India Timothy
Roemer too reiterated that the US
remains committed to the 2008 NSG waiver to India for carrying out nuclear
commerce. "The
President firmly supports it, the 123 agreement firmly supports it and our law
firmly commits us to it.” According to sources, Russia
has been no different, coming out with its resolve to continue on the
commitments made to New Delhi
regarding nuclear commerce.
"There
is not much clarity about the new guidelines as yet. We strictly follow all our
international obligations over the issue of non-proliferation and, at the same
time, we also honour our bilateral agreements in the field of peaceful uses of
nuclear energy. We can say that we are going to implement all our commitments
made in the civil nuclear deal with India,” said Russian embassy
sources.
The New Zealand Prime Minister John Key also came
forward stating the NSG guidelines did not mean India would be denied access to it.
“These are early days. There will be more discussions on this (among the NSG
members).” Such a positive comment is significant since New Zealand is one of
the hardcore defenders of international non-proliferation norms.
Presently,
one is unsure of the true intent of the new NSG guidelines and how they intend
to implement it. Once the NSG comes out with its explanations for the new
restrictions and what it is intended to achieve, the commitments from major
powers towards nuclear commerce with India can be re-assessed in a better
light.
In
sum, it is clear that India, not being a member of the NSG, can do very little
to impact the internal decision-making but its leverage with some of the
individual countries need to be cautiously emphasized, keeping in mind the
security of India’s interests. ---- INFA
(Copyright, India News and Feature Alliance)
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