Round
The World
New Delhi, 8 May 2007
New Kind Of Terror
Pakistan’s Troubles,
India’s
Woes
By Dr. Chintamani Mahapatra
School of International Studies, JNU
Pakistan appears to be in for yet another
unstable phase in its domestic politics. Anti-Musharraf agitation is spreading
in the country. President Musharraf has begun to face criticism from
traditional supporters such as the Bush Administration for not doing enough and
from internal detractors for doing too much against the interest of the Muslim
community.
India’s happiness
will increasingly depend on internal developments within Pakistan in
years to come. It is because the zero-sum nature of relations between India and Pakistan have become a thing of the
past.
There was, of course, never a time in the past when India was not affected by developments within Pakistan. The
wars between two countries in the past were partly the result of internal power
struggles within Pakistan.
They were the byproduct of Pakistan’s
perceptions of insecurity. But then these were the days of sub-Continental
rivalries and the cold war.
But internal developments within Pakistan
in the future will most likely have a different kind of impact on India. Indian
leaders in the recent past have made repeated statements that India’s interests would be best served by a
strong and stable Pakistan.
These statements were aimed at removing misperceptions in Pakistan about its insecurity in a sub-Continent
dominated by India.
However, these statements will have more relevance in years
to come than ever in the past. First, it is because the two countries have now
been bound by a commitment to take forward the peace process. A domestic consensus within Pakistan on the peace process and a politically stable Pakistan are essential for further strengthening the peace process. Secondly, if the peace process ends in bilateral friendship and cooperation,
economic problems in Pakistan
will have a spill-over effect on India. Pakistan’s economic agonies can
threaten the rising trend of Indian economy in the future.
Thirdly, Pakistan-based terrorism is unlikely to go soon. At
one time, Pakistan
was an important incubator of terrorism. Now it is becoming a victim of
terrorist acts. The ongoing struggle of the Taliban in Afghanistan to re-emerge
as a force; the vulnerabilities of the North West Frontier Province of
Pakistan; presence of large number of Taliban supporters or sympathizers in
Pakistani society and even in sections of the ruling establishment have come to
pose a persistent challenge to Pakistan’s unity and domestic order. Unless controlled, India cannot remain free of the ill-effects
of their activities. The Taliban in its new avatar
will strike all those who have sided directly or indirectly with the United States
in the latter’s war against terrorism.
India is likely to experience a new kind
of cross-border terrorism; this time
not backed by the Pakistani ruling establishment but by a host of non-state
actors with a dangerous international network of organizations. Both the
Pakistani Government and the Indian Government may have to truly join hands to
stop such cross-border activities of
groups, which threaten to destroy the efforts towards building a new
architecture of security and order in South Asia.
To keep India safe, the Union Government may have to
willy-nilly assist the Pakistani
Government in maintaining order in that country. More so because the rise and
spread of the Taliban may contribute towards generation of new ethnic strife in
Pakistan and may even
threaten the territorial integrity of Pakistan.
India is thus likely to be directly
affected in the near future by political, economic and internal security
situations in Pakistan.
The most immediate issue that needs
attention and analysis is, however, the future of the Musharraf regime. General
Musharraf came to power through a bloodless
coup in October 1999. He has been in power for les than eight years—not a very
long period of time unlike many other military or totalitarian dictators.
In less than two
years after capturing power in Islamabad,
Musharraf came to face the strangest and one of the deadliest of challenges to
his regime in the wake of the terrorist attacks on the US in September
2001. He had to turn against the Taliban with which Pakistan Army had very close
nexus for years. He had to support the US war against Islamic groups
despite domestic opposition. He had to alienate several terrorist organizations
that had made common cause with the Pakistani army in waging secessionist operations in Kashmir.
Now opponents of Musharraf appear to be ganging up against
him. His handling of judiciary is less
than perfect from one perspective and clear case of heavy handedness from the other. His soft approach towards the
Taliban in NWFP has drawn severe criticism from the US. His effort to resolve the
Kashmir issue through negotiations
with India
has angered the militant elements who are waiting in their wings to strike at
the earliest opportunity available. The political leaders in exile, such as
Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif are eager to return to the country to try their
luck once again to form a civilian government.
Musharraf himself has promised to hold elections in 2007. India, Pakistan,
the US and many other
interested arties are carefully monitoring developments in Pakistan and
trying to calculate the outcome of elections. There are many scenarios that
come to mind. First of all, Musharraf may hold a free and fair election and
gracefully step down from power. If he does, he may set a record, since no
general heading a military regime ever desires to elegantly step down.
Secondly, Musharraf may hold elections but repeats the earlier feat and stays
in power. Thirdly, people may choose to return a civilian government to power,
but the military regime manages to strike a deal and continue to control a
civilian government from behind the scene.
In any case, Pakistan
is suddenly not going to see blossoming
of democratic governance and the international community has to come to terms
with the election outcome. India
has little choice but to accept the reality, but has enough time to contemplate
on protecting the current phase of the peace process.
Today, we are faced with a situation where India has little leverage, but lots of stake in
the domestic developments in Pakistan.
The ideal choice for India
is to work towards creating a collective defence mechanism in SAARC. Majority
of member-countries are faced with the challenge of terrorism and this can be
the central focus of a collective defence mechanism. Whoever is at the helm of
affairs in Islamabad
will have to accept. Collective defence mechanism will be an improvement upon
multilateral declarations on terrorism and the intention to create a bilateral
mechanism with Pakistan.
The next step should be to elevate this collective defence
mechanism to the level of a South Asian security regime. It is possible when India
and Pakistan will together
try to establish norms with other regional countries to increase security in South Asia. This would help deal with the current
security dilemma in the region where arms acquisition by one for defensive
purposes is interpreted by the other as a threat. All these steps along with
the various aspects of the current peace process
have the potentiality to create a security community in South
Asia in not too distant a future.---INFA
(Copyright,
India News and Feature Alliance)
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