Events
& Issues
New Delhi, 14 June 2010
J&K Revisited
DANGEROUS ISLAMISATION OF VALLEY
By Prakash Nanda
Prime Minister
Manmohan Singh has just returned from Kashmir.
He appealed for peace and requested the “separatists” to return to the
negotiating table. He held a series of conferences with the officials and
political leaders. And as expected, he announced over Rs. 1000 crore sops to
the State. Importantly, to score some misplaced points, he threatened the Armed
Forces to behave properly in Kashmir, forgetting
the fact that but for these, he, or any Prime Minister, would not have been
able to land in the Valley.
But one fails to understand what Singh achieved overall from his two-day Kashmir visit in concrete terms? Well, the media, both
national and international, went overboard. The press in Pakistan, where
our home minister and foreign secretary are heading later this month, too got
enough material to comment on. But the separatists have not been impressed. Worse,
the security forces have been greatly demoralized. Sadly, it has now become
quite routine for the civilian regime and elites in Kashmir
to effortlessly raise their fingers at the Armed Forces for all their troubles,
thus providing fuel to the extremists and separatists. And on the flimsiest of
pretexts, officials of the military and paramilitary forces are being framed
and suspended.
Ironically, the PM has not deemed it fit to travel to other, and in a sense
more turbulent parts of the country – the North East, particularly Manipur and Nagaland.
People there have been facing a blockade for over two months now. Of late, the Centre
has totally mishandled the Naga issue. If any part of the country needs the
presence of the Prime Minister to assuage the feelings of the affected people
and boost their morale, it is the North-East. But, Singh and his advisors do
not think so. Perhaps this is due to the fact that a visit to the North East
will not attract headlines as it would in Kashmir.
One has no problem with the “news-worthiness” of Kashmir.
But what is worrying is that the Centre and the dominant section within the
strategic community in the country find it politically incorrect to reveal the
real problem in the Valley from the viewpoint of national interests. And that real problem is the
growing Islamisation of the Valley, which, in turn, makes any negotiated
settlement of the Kashmir issue almost
impossible. An “Islamic Kashmir” will have nothing to do with India. Let me
explain this point.
Over the years, Kashmir has been witnessing
what Bangladeshi scholar Abu Taher Salahuddin Ahmed says are three principal
trends – Indianness, Kashmiriness and Muslimness. The Indianness has been
propagated by the federal forces, be it the Central Government or national
parties such as the Congress and the BJP. However, the problem in the State is
due to the tussle between those believing in Kashmiriness and those loyal to
Muslimness.
Kashmiriness is an offshoot of the much-talked about
Kashmiriyat, which, while co-existing with Indianness, talks of inclusive or
composite identity, binding all groups together and not offending any section.
No wonder why despite being a Muslim-majority area, beef-eating, until
recently, was virtually non-existent in the Valley.
Of course, some scholars now point out that there were always differences
between Muslims and Hindus (essentially Kashmiri Pundits) in their
interpretation of the concept of Kashmiriyat. But undeniably, the concept
did promote coexistence. Majority of the Kashmiri Muslims, therefore, had no
problems with the Hindus or for that matter with the Buddhists. And, the key
factor to the success of Kashmiriyat was the fact that the overwhelming
majority of the Kashmiri Muslims believed in Sufism or what is said the “Rishi
tradition” that believed in saint and shrine worships. Of course, it was
greatly facilitated by the fact that as was the case in other parts of the
subcontinent, Muslims were essentially converts from the fold of Hinduism.
In contrast, the Muslimness always advocated the exclusive concepts in the Valley.
Promoted by the Wahhabi and Ahl-i-Hadith sects, this school relies more on the
authority of the Quran and Hadith and is totally opposed to the concept saints
and shrine worships. This tradition or school has always been in minority in Kashmir, but has been there always. It was behind
organisations such as the Muslim Conference and the Kashmir Jamaat (KJ).
Needless to say that almost all the separatists and terrorists, including the
so-called moderate elements like the Hurriyat Conference, belong to the school of Islamness. They have nothing to do with India. No
amount of appeasement will ever impress them to stay with India. They
believe in the theory of “Kashmir for Muslims” and their essential argument is
they cannot co-exist in a Hindu-dominated India.
Interestingly, these elements became active in Kashmir
only after the 1979 Iranian revolution. It was then that one heard more of the “liberation
of Kashmir” and “Islamic revolution”. These
elements became more vocal in politics also and formed many small political
outfits. In September 1985, twelve such outfits came together to form the
Muslim United Front (MUF). Soon the MUF claimed to provide an alternative to
the National Conference of Farooq Abdullah on the ground that he “sold out” the
Kashmiris’ interest in the Accord with the then Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi.
Since then, political Islam has had firmer roots in the Valley. The Pakistani
support and assistance to the cause has greatly facilitated the cause. But what
has really helped political Islam in the
Valley is the virtual politics of appeasement on the part of the Central and State
governments to the separatists. The likes of Atal Behari Vajpayee and Manmohan
Singh have wrongly believed that by pandering to the demands of the Hurriyat
and civil right activists, the situation will improve. However, appeasement
will never work with forces of “Muslimness”; rather it will embolden them and
strengthen the cause of “Kashmir for Muslims”.
Did not we hear the likes of Mehbooba Mufti and Omar Abdullah saying during the
Amarnath yatra agitation last year that Kashmir
must not compromise its Muslim character?
Fortunately, even today the majority of the people in the State would like to
remain part of India, as
evident by the recent opinion poll, conducted by Chatham House (UK) on either
side of the Line of Control (LoC) in Jammu
and Kashmir. The poll showed that only 2 per cent of
the people of J&K want to be part of Pakistan. As many as 58 per cent of
the 3,774 polled, in J&K and Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK), are ready to
accept the LoC as a permanent “soft border” — an idea dating back to the famous
“Simla Agreement” of 1972 between Indira Gandhi and Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto.
That being the case, it is high time the Indian Prime Minister, whichever party
he or she may belong to, stopped inviting the separatist leaders to the
negotiating table. Because, no amount of concessions will satisfy them. They simply
need to be ignored and their militant supporters be disciplined. Clearly, they
do not represent the majority. If they are imposing the so-called bandhs and the
locals are listening to them it is mainly because of the fear they have
generated in the people’s hearts and the self-imposed helplessness of our
security forces.
The Prime Minister and the Chief Minister need to appeal directly to the people
through good governance. Importantly, our secular Muslim leaders from the
mainstream must be encouraged to visit Kashmir more often to impart the message
that Muslims are more secure in India
than in Pakistan.
Indeed, that is the best way to fight the Islamisastion of the Valley. ---INFA
(Copyright,
India News and Feature Alliance)
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