POLITICAL DIARY

New Delhi, 19 December 2009.

Belan Vs Ballot
SWEETY, HERE’S TO WOMEN POWER
By Poonam I Kaushish

Phew. Women are finally all set to get their rightful place in the electoral sun. Post President Pratibha Patil, all-powerful UPA Chairperson Sonia Gandhi and Lok Sabha Speaker Meira Kumar, it is the turn of the aam Femme Fatale to unleash their female prowess in the power corridors of New Delhi and various State Capitals. The verdict is out: More Power to Women!

Finally, after more than 12 years and 12 agonizing months the fair sex is all set to rub “female power shoulders” given the thumbs up by Parliament’s Standing Committee on Personnel, Public Grievances, Law and Justice to the Government to pass the Constitution (108th Amendment) Bill, 2008 (Women’s Reservation Bill) reserving one-third seats of the present strength of the Lok Sabha and the State Assemblies for women, “without wasting further time” in both Houses of Parliament last Thursday. 

Sadly, like in the past, the report’s ‘femme fatale’ statement was tabled amidst protest from the male votaries known for their animus against reservation. Specially MPs belonging to the regional parties. Notwithstanding,  the Samajwadi  which submitted its dissenting note, leaders of all other parties, including RJD might have approved its provisions on paper but vocally opposed it. 

What is it about this Bill that inflames the Right Honourables to lose their head?  Why is this final hurdle so hard to cross? Is it just a pretense, a concession to humour a pocketful of educated women with the Bill, which is meaningless to the large majority? For who is the Bill meant? Will the poor and deprived community women get a chance?

Clearly, the ding-dong battle said it all. Blame it on our male-centric mindset. Followers of God Adonis, they hate the idea of reducing themselves to a situation wherein behind every successful woman stands a man. Right from Adam and Eve, to the Sati Pratha, the time when Raja Ram Mohan Roy initiated the process of unshackling women from male bondage, there has been stringent resistance at every level.

Even now the support for the Committee’s report is half-hearted, but politically correct to do so. After all, in the cut-throat business of politics of appeasement, 50% of the electorate is crucial. The torch bearers of the anti-women brigade is led by our “Made in India” trio of  Laloo, Mulayam and Paswan who are plugging for an Other Backward Communities (OBCs) quota within the quota.  No matter, that their track record of women representation within the existing SC/ST quotas is zilch.

Besides, there are several spoilsports to put a spoke in the wheel. In fact, other than the "OBC block" they are confident that the proposal for rotation of seats reserved for women, would stall the Bill. Sitting male MPs fear not only losing their ‘well-nurtured constituencies but also would be discouraged from nursing them if they cannot contest again. Thus, they support the legislation in public, certain that it would never become law. Only doffing their hat to the cause of women’s empowerment than in actually seeing the law through.

In fact, those opposed to the Bill aver that it would strengthen the upper caste and elite rule and promote family politics in the country. The men of the said segment would ‘remote control’ their women to use the political power. Hogwash. Remember, no quota has ever seen a homogenous representation. But even if the argument were justified, are we to believe that Indian women would like to be represented by the Mulayam’s and Laloo’s than by their urban sisters?

Shockingly, even as all talk about more power to woman, a reality check bares some unpleasant home-truths. Women account for less than 10% of both Houses of Parliament. The current Lok Sabha boasts of a record 59 women MPs, the highest since Independence.  The next closest was in the 13th Lok Sabha with 49 women MPs, barely 9.02 % of the total seats. In 2004 the number was 45, only 8.29%, 12th Lok Sabha (1998) 43 women, 11th (1996) 40 women and 8th (1984) 42 women. The lowest number of women was in 1977 when only 19 women (3.5%) reached the Lok Sabha.

The less said the better of women candidates. There were 556 women of a total of 8,070 candidates in the 2009 polls, 355 in 2004, 599 in 1996 and 326 women aspirants in 1991. Before 1980 it was below 100 before 1980. Also, India’s record for women in Parliament is among the worst in the world. A position of 105 among 135 countries.

Not only Parliament, but gender bias plagues male-dominated States all over India. Take Haryana. The State has thrown up only four MPs in the past 30 years. Of these four, three got a ticket on the basis of their family legacy. In 1984, there were only 10 women compared to 190 men for the 10 Lok Sabha seats from in the State and in 2004 8 women contestants against 152 men. Clearly, exposing every Party’s pseudo-serious intent for women empowerment. 

What is the reason for such poor women representation? Is it attitudinal inclination, the fair sex’s abhorrence for the rough and tumble of politics, lack of opportunities or purely male dominance? All this and more. If the 60s ushered in an era of free sex, burning the bra typified the emancipated 70s, the 80s measured equality with right to abortion and the 90s replaced rights and equality with empowerment.

True, the status of women has evolved over the centuries. Every generation and decade has tried to move one step closer towards eradication of gender discrimination. But as a woman activist asserted, “Women are slaves to men. To cook, feed, mother and warm their beds”. And this persistence of gender inequality manifests from the low female-male ration of 0.93, one of the lowest in the world. The preference for boys in fertility decision and the neglect and death of a girl child, gender gaps in literacy, restrictive property rights etc. lead the deficit of women in a male-dominated society.

Arguably, it is precisely the gender distinction that results in lack of women participation in politics, governance and economic activity. The Bill on reservation in legislatures will only help bring women into the political mainstream and give them tangible political and economic power in the context of the emerging paradigm, assert the feminists.

Undisputedly, there is a paucity of strong women in politics with Party bosses often reluctant to trust them with handling the rowdy business of winning elections. Add to this a neglect of women issues in most elected bodies. The moot point is: Will this Bill correct the centuries-old imbalances and stigma against women? Will increased participation of women in the political process lead to less female infanticide, fewer dowry deaths, bride burning and trampling of female aspirations.

Importantly, no amount of legislation has ended gender discrimination. Stringent laws against sex discrimination have not led to any decrease in crimes against women. Often, the culprits go scot-free or, get- off with light punishment. If we want to end inequalities and injustice we must recognize that inequalities exist, tackle the disease and not merely the symptoms superficially.

In sum, empowerment has to come through educating women about their rights, family planning, mental acceptance that both males and females are on equal footing and legislation.  Watch out for the danger that gender politics can lead to a ferocious brand of political Puritanism. So far jobs, posts and seats in legislatures have always served as “apples of discord.” We must beware of this. One hopes this Bill will not end up as an exercise in competitive, reckless populism at its worst. As Pratibha Patil and Sonia Gandhi, have shown Femme Fatale is the way to go! ---- INFA

(Copyright India News & Feature Alliance)