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DISCOURTESY TO PARLIAMENT, By Inder Jit, 1 Dec 2025 Print E-mail

REWIND

New Delhi, 11 December 2025

DISCOURTESY TO PARLIAMENT

By Inder Jit

(Released on 28 Feb 1984) 

Parliament is still not getting from Mrs Gandhi and the ruling Congress-I the respect and courtesy that is its due. In fact, the Constitution and established traditions continue to be violated both in letter and spirit -- as shown by the first two days of the budget session. In one sense, Parliament showed its potency and power even if this was indirect. Its fear -- the fear of exposure -- spurred the Government to give overdue thought to some effective plan of action in regard to the distressing developments in Punjab and Haryana. At the same time, however, Parliament suffered a further decline on three counts. First, the President's Address to the joint session of the Lok Sabha and the Rajya Sabha failed to carry out its constitutional obligation of spelling out to Parliament the causes of its summons. Second, the Government’s stand on the adjournment motion on Punjab and Haryana made a mockery of the concept of an adjournment motion. Third, Mrs Gandhi failed to extend to the Lok Sabha early on Friday the consideration expected of her as the Leader of House and Prime Minister. 

Regrettably, the President's address to both Houses of Parliament on Thursday last week was once again not what it is intended to be. The Founding Fathers of the Constitution were clear about the importance and content of the address. They made it incumbent upon the President to address the two Houses assembled together at the commencement of the first session after each general election to the Lok Sabha and at the commencement of the first session of each year and inform Parliament of the “causes of its summons”. The President’s address to both Houses of Parliament assembled together was thus made the most solemn and formal act under the Constitution. Yet, the address has progressively degenerated into an inane review of the past year and a blatant propaganda blast for the Government of the day. In fact, the President’s address to the two Houses last year touched a new low in flouting the Constitution. It spoke of all kinds of things and made all manner of claims for the Government, including “success in containing inflation”. But it did not contain even one word about the “causes of summons”. 

Traditionally prepared by the Government of the day, the President’s address this year too violates the Constitution. Once again, it does not contain even a line about the “causes of summons". Instead, it makes repetitive claims on behalf of the Government and much else that is strictly not relevant. Two paras, for instance, do no more than record what is already known -- information in regard to the foreign travels of the President and the Prime Minister, which would in any case form a part of the annual report of the External Affairs Ministry. Para 28 reads: “I paid State visits to Czechoslovakia, Qatar and Bahrain. The Prime Minister visited Yugoslavia, Finland... She also met the President of France in Paris. In addition to the participation of Heads of State/Government at the NAM Summit and CHOGM, we also had the privilege of playing host to a number of distinguished visitors from abroad. Queen Elizabeth II combined a state visit to India with the opening of the CHOGM... These visits have helped to strengthen friendly ties...” 

Now the important issue of the adjournment motion. In the words of free India’s first Speaker, Mavalankar: “An adjournment motion is really a very exceptional thing, because hon'ble members will see that to allow a matter to be discussed in the House in aspect of which no previous notice is given and which is not placed on the Order Paper, is doing injustice to a large number of absent members. Therefore, the practice has been that nothing will be introduced extraneously in the Order Paper of the day unless the occasion is of such a character that something very grave, something which affects the whole country, its safety, its interests and all that is happening, and the House must pay its attention immediately. Then only an adjournment motion can be conceived. Adjournment motions cannot be introduced in the Order Paper unless the extent of the matter, its importance, its gravity justifies it. The primary object of an adjournment motion is to draw the attention of the Government to a matter of urgent public importance so as to criticize the decision of Government in an urgent matter in regard to which a motion or resolution with proper notice will be too late”. 

Adjournment motions have been in existence since the inception of the Central Legislative Assembly in 1921. The procedure for moving an adjournment motion has remained unchanged. But the purpose and effect of these motions have changed since 1947. Prior to independence, procedural devices available to members for bringing up matters of urgent public importance for discussion were very few. They had, therefore, to resort frequently to one rule, namely, adjournment motion. An adjournment motion has from the very beginning been taken to be in the nature of a censure motion. But it was not viewed so under the British Raj as the Government was not responsible to it. Speaker Frederick Whyte explained the situation and ruled as follows: “No direct affect can be given to an adjournment motion of this House... The only question put from the Chair on the occasion is that this House do now adjourn. If this motion is carried, the action of the Assembly may be taken: (i) as evidence of the serious view which the majority of the floor takes regarding the matter, and (ii) as a possible vote of censure on Government”.

Thus a practice developed in which any matter of consequence was brought up for discussion on an adjournment motion. Successive Speakers invariably admitted adjournment motions liberally. A new situation emerged when India became free and the Government became responsible to Parliament. But the practice had become so deep rooted by then that most members did not realize that it was no longer appropriate to bring up matters of any consequence for discussion on adjournment motions. Partly, the rules were at fault. They had not been so revised or enlarged as to permit of other parliamentary opportunities for discussing such matters. Therefore, according to Kaul and Shakdhar, “a period of great stress and strain between the Presiding Officer and the members ensued -- members wishing to discuss matters on adjournment motions and the Speaker resisting this method of approach as it was not conducive to sound parliamentary procedure”. Speaker Mavalankar, therefore, took an early opportunity of explaining the scope of an adjournment motion in the new set-up. 

In his ruling in the Provisional Parliament on March 21, 1950, he said: “The conditions now have entirely changed and, therefore, in the new set-up, with the various opportunities and the responsive and responsible character of the Government, we cannot look upon an adjournment motion as a normal device for raising discussion on any important matter.” He also took care to leave no scope for any prevarication or hanky-panky in regard to the hour at which the motion was to be taken up. In accordance with established convention, it was provided that an adjournment motion to the moving of which leave of the House had been granted would be taken up at 16.00 hours or, if the Speaker so directed, at an earlier hour, having regard to the state of business in the House. Where some important business has to be gone through, the Speaker was empowered to direct with the concurrence of the House or after suspending the rule that the motion would be taken up at an hour later than 16.00 hours, and if it became necessary, in an exceptional case, even on a subsequent day. 

What come to pass in the Lok Sabha on Friday has left votaries of Parliament greatly distressed. The speaker, Mr Bal Ram Jakhar, appropriately and without much ado gave his consent to the adjournment motion brought forward by Prof. Madhu Dandawate and other Opposition leaders. Leave to the moving of the motion was granted by the House without any objection. But things went wrong when the Government came forward with a motion seeking suspension of Rule 61, which provides for a discussion of the adjournment motion at 16.00 hours or earlier the same day. The Speaker put the motion to vote and the motion was declared carried. Expectedly and rightly, the Opposition reached sharply and vociferously -- and walked out in protest. It made a mockery of Government's move was clearly most unfortunate. the adjournment motion and sought to annul the speaker's action in admitting it. True, Rule 61 was suspended on earlier occasions -- March 21, 1978 during the Janata rule and on April 26 last year. But the House decided at the same time on both occasions to take up the motion at 4 pm the subsequent day. This time, no date or hour was either proposed by the Government or fixed by the House. 

Tricky or thorny situations in regard to adjournment motions arose time and again during the first decade of free India's Parliament. Fortunately, however, Nehru was always there in the Lok Sabha as the Leader of the House to carry out his foremost duty of assisting the Speaker in the conduct of business. But there was no sign of Mrs Gandhi in the House at the zero hour on Friday or in the Rajya Sabha where the Opposition members equally agitatedly sought a discussion on Punjab and Haryana developments. (There is no provision for an adjournment motion in the Rajya Sabha as the Government is responsible only to the Lok Sabha.) Mrs Gandhi walked into the House after the storm over the adjournment motion had blown over and the Railway Minister had started presenting this year’s railway budget. As the Leader of the House and Prime Minister, Mrs Gandhi had a clear responsibility to be present in the Lok Sabha, knowing full well that the Opposition had tabled an adjournment motion on Punjab and Haryana and all eyes were on Parliament. It was neither right nor fair for her to be absent on this crucial occasion, whatever her other pressing engagements. For, any discourtesy to the Lok Sabha or the Rajya Sabha is in essence a discourtesy to the people -- the sovereign masters. --- INFA 

(Copyright, India News and Feature Alliance)

Air Pollution Hazards: STRINGENT ACTION VITAL, By Dhurjati Mukherjee, 10 Dec 2025 Print E-mail

Open Forum

New Delhi, 10 December 2025

Air Pollution Hazards

STRINGENT ACTION VITAL

By Dhurjati Mukherjee 

A 10-year assessment of air pollution across major urban centres has found that none of the country’s top cities met safe AQI levels at any point between 2015 and November 2025. The report, prepared by Climate Trends, analysed long-term pollution patterns across 11 major cities. The case with India is no different with its capital Delhi, as always, remaining the most polluted city throughout the period of study with average AQIA levels peaking above 250 in 2016 and hovering around 180 this year. 

Cities such as Lucknow, Varanasi and Ahmedabad, which recorded high average AQI values – often above 200 – in the first half of the decade, showed some improvement in the second half. While southern and western cities such as Mumbai, Chennai, Pune and Bengaluru recorded relatively moderate AQIA levels, even they did not meet safe thresholds. A recent government report found over 2 lakh cases of acute respiratory illness in six major hospitals in Delhi though other metros such as Mumbai and Chennai find similar increases during periods of high pollution. Experts stressed the need for better planning and data-driven interventions to at least check the problem.   

Referring to stubble burning which has gradually gone down in Punjab, Haryana and Rajasthan and that this happens for just a fortnight, the Supreme Court asked the Union and NCR governments to detail the measures taken on other pollution sources such as vehicles, industries, construction, dust and the tangible results through implementation of effective steps in this regard. It was very critical of construction activities and wanted quality public transport to reduce air pollution. 

It is worth noting here the report of the Centre for Research on Energy & Clean Air which has rightly pointed out that, the scale of the crisis far exceeds what is generally assumed. As per the report, about 60 of India’s 749 districts breach the national annual PM2.5 standard of 40 micrograms per cubic metre that has been prescribed by the National Ambient Air Quality Standards. 

Not a single district meets the far stricter guidelines of WHO, which recommends 5ug/m, about eight times more stringent than India’s standards. In fact, air pollution is an annual threat. The norther states such as Punjab, Haryana, Delhi, Himachal Pradesh and the UT of Chandigarh as well as the north-eastern state of Meghalaya maintained 100 percent district-level exceedance in all seasons except for monsoon. 

The top 50 most polluted districts are mostly concentrated in four northern and eastern states – Delhi, Haryana, Punjab, Bihar and Assam. The perennial nature of poor air in the country has grave consequences for public health and this has been revealed in various studies, from time to time. Long-term exposure to PM 2.5 is associated with a range of serious diseases including stroke, lung and heart ailments. 

As per a study published in The Lancet Public Health, long-term exposure to air pollution heightened mortality by 1.5 million deaths per year in the country. Despite such alarming findings, public attention and policy urgency remain disproportionately focused on metropolitan India, chiefly the national capital. Along with cities, it is imperative that Indian districts should have robust air-quality monitoring, local emission-control plans, cleaner public transport, stricter regulation of industrial and agricultural emissions, dust & waste management. 

The disastrous effect of air pollution on health was investigated by scientists at the University of South California which found excess risks of death on the hottest days there are heat and extreme levels of PM 2.6. Many places in India have this combination, observed Soumya Swaminathan, the WHO’s chief scientist, while delivering the JC Bose Memorial Lecture titled ‘Fragile Futures: The Climate Crisis & Its Toll on Women and Children’.  

 “There are three different aspects of health risk. One is the vulnerability factor. It depends on where you live, the demography whether you are young or old, if a woman is pregnant, if someone has a medical condition, people’s socio-economic status, the gender and equity aspects and health system capacity. These are all contributing to one’s vulnerability”, stated Swaminathan.Added to this is how much a person gets exposed to these hazards and obviously the poorer sections, specially those residing in slums, slummish-type settlements and besides railway tracks are most affected. 

According to the scientist, “the cardiovascular system is the first to be impacted by heat. If you have a heart condition, it can be harmful to your heart”. As such, we see heat exhaustion, dehydration and heat stroke, all of which are most severe here, she pointed out. Swaminathan also highlighted the impact of heat on mental health. People have higher risks of anxiety and stress while those with schizophrenia or depression can experience their conditions getting worse. 

Some experts consider air pollution the single largest threat to human life expectancy because of its scale, reach and continuity. According to the Air Quality Life Index, it has been found that long-term exposure to current pollution levels cuts almost three-and-a-half years from an average Indian’s life. Though it is most visible during the winter months, it is active all year round. People often notice air pollution through irritation in their lungs or face breathing difficulties, but the most serious damage happens silently over the long run with exposure increasing the risk of heart disease, chronic lung disease, strokes, worsened childhood asthma, reduced life-long lung infection etc. 

China and the United States have been successful in dramatically cleaning up their environment over time. Smaller nations and younger democracies like The Gambia in Africa have made meaningful progress. Other Asian countries like Japan, Thailand and Singapore have progressed as well. Ultimately, it is for India to take positive steps in this regard as clean air is a true national priority. Experts have suggested that India should work towards a more unified system like US’s Air Now and the EU’s CAMS for dedicated atmospheric monitoring with the help of air quality sensors, aviation advisories and meteorological data integrated into a single geospatial platform. 

Whether the apex court’s stricture will help the state governments in implementing the graded action plan (GRAP) in scrupulously enforcing both short-term and long-term measures in tackling air pollutionremains to be seen.  However, it evident that in most metros and big cities private transport rarely follows government guidelines and there is virtually very little monitoring and enforcement of pollution norms. The state governments do not want to take drastic action against these private operators as otherwise the transport system may collapse.

Thus, air degradation has become manifest throughout the year though it hits the headlines during the winter season. It goes without saying that if public health has to be safeguarded, more stringent action is called for. ---INFA 

(Copyright, India News & Feature Alliance)

 

Vande Mataram: WHAT’S IN A SONG?, By Poonam I Kaushish, 9 December 2025 Print E-mail

Political Diary

New Delhi, 9 December 2025

Vande Mataram

WHAT’S IN A SONG?

By Poonam I Kaushish

Much ado about nothing! That is the sum total of a debate in Lok Sabha yesterday to celebrate 150 years of our iconic national song Vande Mataram after it was first penned. Facetiously, it’s a part of Government’s ongoing year-long commemoration of the patriotic poem written by Bankim Chandra Chatterjee in 1875 and to bring forth important and unknown facets related to it. “To fill our present with self-confidence and gives us courage to believe that there is no goal that Indians cannot achieve.” Sic. 

Questionably, why now in Parliament? The answer is shaped by nuanced politics, cultural nationalism and their respective benefits for the ruling dispensation by showcasing “Nehru’s real stance of divisive approach and unnecessarily accommodating and reflective of a long pattern of Muslim “appeasement.” 

It stems from a point of ideological contention between BJP and Congress with Prime Minister Modi’s charge that Congress in 1937 “brazenly pandered to its communal agenda under erstwhile Prime Minister Nehru who agreed with Jinnah’s views of “cutting down Vande Mataram as it could irritate Muslims and removed two important stanzas …its soul and a powerful war cry from a tune of hope in times of slavery” thereby “sowing the seeds of partition. Today’s generation needs to know why this injustice was done with this ‘maha mantra’ of nation building, energy, dream and a solemn resolve. This divisive mindset is still a challenge for the country.” 

Countered, Congress Priyanka Gandhi who squarely accused Government of committing a “big-sin” by weaponising a cultural symbol to distract from present-day challenges. Highlighting the Vande Mataram debate was being selectively used to score political points, evading “real issues and selectively quoting Nehru, given the song is alive in every part of the country.”  More. Primarily, using it to raise the ante on the forthcoming West Bengal Assembly elections March-April 2026, along-with showcasing RSS’s limited role in the freedom struggle. 

Citing the chronology of events, she added in 1937 the Congress Working Committee under Nehru’s Presidentship adopted a resolution, whereby only the first two stanzas of Vande Mataram would be sung, acting on Rabindra NathTagore’s advice to keep the national movement united, not divided. Alongside, organisers had freedom to sing any song of unobjectionable character, in addition to, or in the place of Vande Mataram.

She might have a point. After tasting dust in Assembly polls 2021 BJP seems to be using Vande Mataram to keep the election pot boiling by positioning itself as the defender of Bengali cultural pride allowing it to put Mamata’s TMC on the defensive. It’s Leader of Opposition in West Bengal Assembly is busy accusing TMC of closing a Kolkata’s park where “soul of Bengal Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay’s” statue is without a garland. 

 “TMC is not a patriotic Party it wants Tagore’s song compulsory sung in schools across the State but not the national song.” To counter this, the Hindutva Brigade is organizing celebrations in over 1500 places in the State. Combating this, Mamata indicted BJP as “a Party of divisions trying to create division between two great Bengalis Chattopadhyay who wrote Vande Mataram and Rabindranath Tagore who composed national anthem Jana Gana Mana. 

But many Opposition leaders assert that the national song is just another prop to celebrate the nation State and undue importance mustn’t be given to it, lambasting BJP of attempting to “claim ownership” of national symbols and heritage. Not a few, averred singing Vande Mataram must neither be made a test case of patriotism nor should people be obstinate about not singing it. Though it is compulsorily played at the end of every Parliament session.

Either way, no matter what its source was, and how and when it was composed, it had become a most powerful battle cry among Hindus and Muslims of Bengal during Partition days. It was an anti-imperialist cry. The Congress formally adopted it as national song at its Varanasi Session on 7 September 1905.

But, in October 1937, some Muslim leaders objected to Vande Mataram on grounds that it contained verses that were in direct conflict with Islam and amounted to worshipping the motherland. This went against the concept of tawheed (oneness of God), according to which a Muslim cannot supplicate to anyone except Allah. Alongside, they were offended by India’s depiction as Goddess Ma Durga --- equating the nation with the Hindu concept of Shakti. Also objectionable was it was part of Anandamatha, a novel with an anti-Muslim message and an irritant to the minority community.

Nehru understood Muslims religious predicament even as he accentuated the hymn’s national importance in the freedom struggle. The Congress Working Committee then adopted a resolution, whereby only the first two stanzas of Vande Mataram would be sung. Alongside, organisers had freedom to sing any song of unobjectionable character, in addition to, or in the place of Vande Mataram.

Interestingly, while Vande Mataram was treated as India’s national anthem for long, Jana Gana Mana was chosen as national anthem on 24 January 1950, even as the Constituent Assembly accorded the nationalistic song the same stature as Jana Gana Mana.

Clearly, be it Vande Mataram or Jana Gana Mana both are beautiful and melodious and have their sanctity and stand on equal footing. Both ignited patriotism, galvanised Indians to gang up against the British, threw out the firangis and won India its freedom. It is high time our leaders stop playing petty politricks.

The patriotic song stands at the intersection of history, identity and contemporary politics. Whether it becomes an opportunity to reflect on how national symbols can unite a diverse country or merely another battleground for partisan sparring, will depend on how leaders choose to engage with it.

As India marks 150 years of Vande Mataram the challenge ahead is to acknowledge its layered legacy while ensuring that conversations around it strengthen, rather than strain, the shared idea of nationhood.

In the ultimate we need to realize that India’s multi-pluralistic character, pulsating democracy and civil society is neither rigid nor frozen in time. It is constantly evolving. True, two songs cannot make or mar the future of a nation or its people, even as we respect Vande Mataram as our national song and symbol of national pride, on par with Jana Gana Mana. High time this frivolous and needless controversy is put to rest once and for all. There are more pressing issues which need our leaders and judiciary’s attention. What says you? ---- INFA

(Copyright, India News & Feature Alliance)

 

HOW SAFE ARE WE?, Rajiv Gupta, 6 Dec 2025 Print E-mail

Events & Issues

New Delhi, 6 December 2025

How safe are we?

Rajiv Gupta 

It has not been even a month since the horrific bomb blast at the Red Fort, but already it seems like a distant memory; news related to the incident having been relegated to one of the inner pages of newspapers. One might be tempted to believe that whatever danger was present immediately after the incident is history and we are safe now. But are we really safe?

Immediately following the blast, several of the busy markets in Delhi were “fortified” to prevent any similar incident. The term fortified is in quotes to stress the lack of seriousness this action conveys. The reason for this assertion will be examined next.

Most markets in Delhi, as also in other parts of the country, are pedestrian areas. The explosives that were blown up at the Red Fort were carried in a car, suggesting that they were larger and heavier than what could have been carried on a person. How does a pedestrian marketplace be secured when the threat is from a car bomb? Most market places in Delhi are closely integrated into residential areas and restricting car traffic is impractical as it would virtually bring a large part of the city to a standstill.

Second, securing the pedestrian areas is a very big challenge because these areas are porous and have multiple points of entry and exit. This is largely true of older markets in Delhi such as Chandni Chowk, Lajpat Nagar, Sarojini Nagar, etc. Unlike malls which have restricted points of entry and exit, the other open markets cannot easily be secured. It is interesting to note that, in the case of malls, there is usually a security check at entry even when there is no threat of violence. In the case of open markets there is an appearance of some tightening of pedestrian traffic, but that is short lived in the aftermath of a blast such as the one in the Red Fort area.

It is not only true that securing an open market poses a significant challenge, but the way in which this is done sometimes reveals a less than serious approach to maintain the safety of the common shoppers as well as the shop keepers in these markets. For example, in the New Friends Colony market barricades were put up at one end of the market. The market is open from three other sides, and nothing was done to secure those points of entry. Even the barricades that were put had a huge gap to allow people to bypass the checkpoint. To top it all, there were no security guards or policemen stationed at the barricades. A question naturally arises, “What purpose does the barricade serve?”

Similarly, in the Lajpat Nagar market, any semblance of extra security vanished after about 10 days following the Red Fort incident. What made the authorities confident that the area was safe enough to remove the security arrangements. Is there a process that the police or the government uses to determine the length of time for increased security? Why would any potential terrorist follow up immediately in the wake of a bomb blast? It would be logical for the terrorist to strike when a strike is least expected. In the above two cases cited above, it would mean after the authorities have eased controls.

The question that needs to be asked is, if malls can have security checks year round, why is increased security in markets not provided in a similar fashion? One suspects that a possible reason might be the lack of adequate police and security personnel. But, why are the existing personnel not deployed more effectively in the market areas? There is never a dearth of security personnel that are assigned to safeguard our politicians. It is well known that most public figures consider their personal security as a mark of status, and not a real safety requirement. It is time that either this practice has to be reviewed comprehensively, and without political interference, or at the very least, additional personnel recruited so that the police can truly be considered a source of public safety.

Better patrolling of crowded areas by the police could go a long way in making our cities secure. It was done very effectively during Covid, to prevent unnecessary movement of people in public areas. While the same level of patrolling may not be needed for security purposes, it would be helpful if the current level of boots on the ground is improved. The police are typically not considered an ally by the common man. This situation needs to be addressed by training of the police personnel as well as by education of the population. People need to feel comfortable and not afraid in the presence of the police. This could lead to more co-operation among people and the police where citizens would feel encouraged to report any suspicious activity that they may observe.

The police force has been used in India by political parties to seek retribution on their opponents. This has gone a long way to erode the public confidence in the police as they are seen as serving only the politicians, and not the general public. The trust deficit between the police and the people needs to be restored.

Incidents such as the one at the Red Fort are stark reminders that danger can lurk in any place. These incidents cannot be completely prevented, in spite of the best efforts by authorities, but their chances can be reduced. The best example of this is Israel, where terrorist incidents continue to happen although the country uses very stringent security measures.  It is very difficult, if not impossible, to prevent a suicide bomber from blowing himself/herself up. However, better intelligence about suspicious activities can help forewarn of a future incident. There are several reports which mention how a terrorist plot was foiled by information gained by our agencies. This capability should certainly be strengthened. If the police and the citizens work collaboratively, it can be hoped that fewer such incidents occur in the future and fewer unnecessary innocent lives are lost.---INFA

(Copyright, India News & Feature Alliance)

 

Trump’s Long Shadow: INDIA-RUSSIA CAREFUL ON OPTICS, By Shivaji Sarkar, 8 Dec 2025 Print E-mail

Economic Highlights

New Delhi, 8 December 2025

Trump’s Long Shadow

INDIA-RUSSIA CAREFUL ON OPTICS

By Shivaji Sarkar 

The currency crisis is bound to impact India growth. Indeed, a deep crisis is ahead. The falling rupee is likely to hit the common man’s pocket as domestic fuel prices may rise sharply despite a global thaw in crude prices. Would the Russian President Vladimir Putin’s visit, his close embrace and promises, make a difference? 

Putin’s visit may help New Delhi in many spheres but not in the crude sector, which India has decided to cut sharply. The Russian crude has impacted Indians, due to overdependence on trade with the US Trumpire, though they never benefitted from the deals. The benefit was only to two companies, one Indian and the other Russian. Their profits alone swelled, while people, government and companies continued to buy fuel at high prices. 

India-Russia ties go back to the Soviet era and have endured irrespective of the changing geopolitical landscape coinciding with New Delhi’s talks with the US on a trade deal to cut punitive tariffs imposed by President Donald Trump on its goods over India’s purchases of Russian oil.That’s to put it mildly. Trump has been breathing down each movement of the Indo-Russian ties. There was even news that the plane Putin was travelling to New Delhi had the most-monitored movements. Trump shadows all. 

The Putin visit is not a nostalgic return to Cold War diplomacy. “It is a negotiation over risk, supply chains and economic insulation”, says Global Trade Research Initiative. India has close ties since the Nehru-Kruschev era of 1950s, the 25-year strategic deal with Indira Gandhi, Putin renewing it in 2000 with AB Vajpayee continuing the legacy. Since then much has changed both in the Ganga and Volga, but “Russia ties like pole star”, says Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Putin promises non-stop energy. 

The Ukraine war has added a new NATO-European dimension. The UK is all for NATO but not keen on joining a war. Putin faces pressure from his European allies. Russia feels being isolated in Europe, its geographical entity. Ambassadors of Germany, France and the UK write a rare joint article in an Indian newspaper criticising Russia’s stance on Ukraine as he lands in New Delhi. 

Were the NATO allies acting on their own or at the behest of their masters? Not known but it’s more likely. Trumpian disgust for Russian oil purchases accusing India of fuelling/funding the Ukraine war ignites his sanctions to keep both the countries cornered if exactly not on leash. 

For Trump, Putin got the freedom to move out with the Alaska meet for peace negotiations on August 15, where the two leaders discussed how to end the Ukraine war. That was the first free trip of Putin outside Moscow since 2020. The next is the celebrated visit to New Delhi. Almost it is his first visit to an Asian country. This is not to mention his discussions at Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) meet in Tianjin, China on August 31 and September 1. 

Putin’s New Delhi visit has plenty of optics, modest deliverables but Russia or Soviet Union has been a dependable ally. The missing defence deal, even the nuclear submarine deal, spoke loudly: India is balancing Russia and America with caution. 

The visit seeks India’s august revival of free-trade talks with the $5-trillion Russia-led Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU). With exports weakening due to steep 50 percent Trump tariffs, two months of declining shipments, a slowdown in manufacturing, and the rupee falling past 90 per dollar, India is urgently seeking new markets. Russia and the EAEU have become priority destinations, as New Delhi works to offset rising pressure on its trade. 

India and Russia announced a major expansion of economic ties during Putin’s visit. Both sides launched a new Economic Cooperation Programme aimed at sharply increasing trade and investment, with targets of $100 billion in annual trade by 2030 and $50 billion in mutual investments. 

Putin reaffirmed the commitment to complete four more nuclear plants at Kudankulam. Two have been commissioned supposed to be India’s largest nuclear plant. The milestone advances India’s largest nuclear project highlights Moscow’s role as New Delhi’s most dependable energy partner.

Bilateral trade already hit a record $68.7 billion in 2024–25 from a mere $ 8.1 billion in 2020. Key agreements were signed in energy, finance (including national currency settlements), fertilizers, healthcare, steel, shipbuilding, coal, and banking. India also plans to open new consulates in Russia to deepen official engagement. Defence cooperation remains central, anchored by an existing military and technical pact that runs through 2031. Commodity exports to Russia minimal in millions dollar. 

The national currency settlement reiterated by Putin is a commitment to BRICS.He held talks with Prime Minister Narendra Modi, attended a business forum and announced the launch of Russia Today (RT), a Kremlin-funded state-controlled TV network. Interestingly Trump has a dislike for the RT. 

Even with relatively few major deliverables, the visit provided enough substance for Moscow and New Delhi to reaffirm their “special and privileged strategic partnership.” President Putin praised efforts to expand cooperation, underscored by agreements such as the Russia–India Economic Cooperation Programme, a framework for collaboration on critical minerals and supply chains, and a commitment to strengthen pharmaceutical ties, including a joint factory in the Kaluga region. 

It may be recollected Soviet Union helped build the medicinal plant company Indian Drugs and Pharmaceuticals Ltd. (IDPL) (and other drug units) in the 1960s, providing crucial technology and aid for public sector drug production in India. It provided inexpensive necessary drugs for decades before the plant was closed. 

Optics did not stop at economics. Rahul Gandhi and Mallikarjun Kharge, Leaders of the Opposition in both Houses of Parliament, were not invited to the dinner hosted for Russian President Vladimir Putin at the President’s residence on Friday, though Congress MP Shashi Tharoor was.This comes a day after Lok Sabha LoP Rahul Gandhi alleged the Modi government is going against “tradition” and doesn’t want him or a representative of the Opposition to meet Vladimir Putin because of its “insecurity”. 

The Putin visit may have more optics left in the domestic and international scenario. Uncanny Trump, sceptical European leaders and neighbourhood developments in Afghanistan and Iran may have lot to unfold. Is it the beginning of a new era – peace, conflict or tranquil?---INFA 

(Copyright, India News & Feature Alliance)

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