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Electoral Calculations: ALL ABOUT MODI MAGIC?, By Dhurjati Mukherjee, 29 February 2024 Print E-mail

Open Forum

New Delhi, 29 February 2024

Electoral Calculations

ALL ABOUT MODI MAGIC?

By Dhurjati Mukherjee 

The battle for Lok Sabha elections 2024 is turning out both intriguing and exciting on the political landscape of the country. The popularity of Prime Minister Narendra Modi is reflected in his claim that he would return to office in May with a landslide victory, with his party, BJP, winning more than 370 seats on its own and the NDA crossing the 400 mark! The over-confidence came during the reply to President’s address, but at this point of time when INDIA bloc is making every effort to work out seat-sharing formulas, the figure appears inflated. The score of 370, if at all the BJP reaches this figure, will be the highest since 1984 when Congress rode the sympathy wave following Indira Gandhi’s assassination. 

Notably, the BJP is going all out to emerge victorious with a big margin. A move which is bolstered with the shift of Nitish Kumar back to the NDA along with the RLD after Charan Singh was honoured with the Bharat Ratna and former Chief Minister Ashok Chavan leaving the Congress in Maharashtra and may well join the BJP. Clearly, the efforts to muster more support won’t stop here, as in Delhi, the AAP flogs the claim that BJP is offering big sums of money to wean away its MLAs.    

Undeniably, following the overwhelming response to the Ram temple consecration and other such temples expected to follow suit in Kashi and Mathura, Modi’s popularity has risen, and the NDA is eyeing regional parties for support. Political analysts believe that the religious card is over-shadowing the economic rights of the marginalised and backward sections, including their justified demand for a dignified existence. 

At same time, it’s evident that BJP is seeking to win back its old allies. The Bihar effect is being felt in other places as in Punjab and West Bengal, where the ruling AAP and TMC have decided to go it alone respectively. Much depends on what happens in Maharashtra and whether the seat-sharing between the Shiv Sena (Uddhav Thackeray group), Congress and NCP is worked out well amongst all three. Latest reports indicate that Arvind Kejriwal has decided that AAP will contest all 90 Assembly seats alone in Haryana but shall continue to be part of INDIA bloc in the battle for Lok Sabha.   

Alliances in the Opposition bloc are still being worked out even if there’s no alliance among AAP and Congress in Punjab as also between TMC and Congress in West Bengal. In Uttar Pradesh, the Samajwadi Party and Congress have reached an agreement with the latter contesting 17 of the 70 seats. Moreover, while in Delhi, AAP and Congress will be jointly fighting in four and three seats respectively, the situation in Haryana is quite complex. 

Recall in August 2023, the India Today-C’Voter survey predicted the vote share gap between the NDA and INDIA coalition had narrowed down to just two per cent. The momentum has been somewhat lost and in its latest February survey, the lead has increased to six per cent and the NDA seems headed for a clear majority. Modi has claimed Congress won’t get even 50 seats!   

While many would say it’s an absurd claim, the fact that Congress President Mallikarjun Kharge has hardly any following in the northern and eastern states may not be totally wrong. As it appears the Congress is relying heavily on Rahul Gandhi and his Bharat Jodo Nyaya Yatra, which is reportedly drawing large crowds. Plus, grass-root leaders of the party in Rajasthan, Jharkhand and Madhya Pradesh are expected to help the grand old party in its calculations. But as things stand today, it would be extremely impossible for the Congress to get a sizeable number of seats to make a claim to form the next government.   

The power needed for a strong working alliance is somewhat missing in the INDIA bloc. One reason being the Congress’ incapability and the results in got in the recent Assembly elections. Though Rahul has been highlighting the right social and economic issues that affect the impoverished and backward sections, the neglect of OBCs, the dalits and tribals, the induction of religion into politics and the aggressiveness of the Hindutva brigade appear to be influencing the semi-literate masses of the northern states, where the BJP is now dominating.   

It would be pertinent to refer to a book titled Modi’s India: Hindu Nationalism & The Rise of Ethnic Democracy by Christopher Jaffrelot published in 2022 which dealt with Modi’s spectacular popularity in spite that his was a pro-rich government, ideologically opposed to policies of redistribution, those that worked towards a welfare State. Moreover, the violent intimidation of minorities coupled with Modi’s authoritarianism choked democracies by elected governments themselves beginning with Parliament and extending to the judiciary, the media, the Election Commission, the CBI, the Lokpal etc. 

Perhaps, the pursuance of religion and aggressive Hinduism has tilted the balance in favour of the ruling dispensation. It is indeed distressing that the country navigated from a flawed yet hopeful experiment in building democracy with equal citizenship of people of every faith to a place where it is increasingly dangerous to be a minority, dissenter or even to report the truth as dissent and protest are being thwarted, not just by the Centre but in the states as well, West Bengal being a glaring example.   

In the present situation, even though the Modi government has been pro-rich and favouring this section along with the middle class, the higher castes, the poor and the lower castes appear to be mesmerised with Modi’s religious overtures. He has portrayed himself as a saintly person, possibly the first of its kind to occupy the chair of the prime minister. The skills of Modi, including his articulation and gestures, seem to have had a great impact on the masses. 

It is worth mentioning that Modi’s image has been bolstered in a big way while it’s not so in the case of Rahul. Modi’s skills of mesmerising the masses with talks of achievements that possibly lack justification has caught on well with people from northern, central and western India, who don’t have the real power to analyse. On the other hand, Rahul has been focussing on basic social and economic issues that affect the common man. His yatra, no doubt, may have an effect, but doesn’t match either BJP’s money power or its surreptitious methods of harassing Opposition leaders by unleashing the ED or IT agencies after them. 

In this big ensuing electoral battle, it remains to be seen whether Modi’s experiment of a sharper thrust on religion, will get him the massive majority that he claims to be heading towards and drastically change politics in the country.  ---INFA 

(Copyright, India News & Feature Alliance)

Goodwill Train To Delhi: SAVES TONNES, HELPS KISANS, By Shivaji Sarkar, 28 February 2024 Print E-mail

Economic Highlights

New Delhi, 28 February 2024

Goodwill Train To Delhi

SAVES TONNES, HELPS KISANS

By Shivaji Sarkar 

The farmers’ determination to march to Delhi stems from the profound belief that voices resonating in the capital echo throughout the nation. Allowing them access to the National Capital to articulate their concerns would validate their sense of being heard and acknowledged. 

A simple act of facilitating their travel by train from Ambala, a mere two-hour journey, to New Delhi could alleviate tensions and reflect positively on the government’s willingness to resolve a longstanding issue. This pragmatic approach not only avoids congesting roads but also signifies a proactive step towards dialogue and reconciliation. 

Kisans are struggling since 1960s and their demands remain unchanged. They want minimum prices and the political system has been denying the right prices to them while unmindful of the rising commodity prices since the time of Late Prime Minister Indira Gandhi. 

It has been a problem during the Nehruvian era as well. Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru himself started as a farmers’ leader of the Congress party, that led to the enactment of the UP Tenancy Act in 1938, considered those days a revolutionary act on land reforms. This law set in motion significant changes in agrarian structure setting in the abolition of the zamindari system in 1950s. It was an important milestone in land reforms. 

Still without a “foreign” hand the MSP for crops had not been possible. In 1959, a team of the Ford Foundation comprising US agricultural officials and scientists travelled to different states, met the people in villages, officers and chief ministers to understand the food production problems. It submitted a report to then minister for agriculture AP Jain called “India’s Food Crisis”. It paved the way for “guaranteed minimum price, publicised before the planting season, a market and its availability within bullock-cart hauling distance”. That is how the Agriculture Produce Market Committee (APMC) or Mandi Samitis came into being. It, however, took five years to start the MSP in 1964 from paddy season shortly after Nehru’s death. 

The country remembers the intense drought of the 1960s leading to food grain imports from the US, proverbially known as ‘ship to mouth’ existence. Though a good beginning in a country that had no system of organised kisan market, it faced a mismatch between the production price and input costs. Still the MSP ensured that farmers prosper in many states. 

One of the biggest farmers’ rallies was organised by Indira Gandhi as prime minister at the Boat Club, India Gate, lawns in March 1981, for launching son, Rajiv Gandhi. It was her reaction to the danger of a widespread, opposition-led kisan movement and erosion of the agrarian base of the Congress(I). Interestingly, kisan leader and father of defections Charan Singh never organised a farmers’ stir. 

A still bigger rally at the Boat Club was held during Rajiv Gandhi’s prime ministership by western UP, Bharatiya Kisan Union, leader Mahendra Singh Tikait in 1988. They had a langar there for days together. Over a lakh kisans continued their sit-ins. They were addressed by opposition leaders, ministers and Rajiv Gandhi himself. It was a major media story even on Doordarshan.

All over the country several farm movements were held at states. Shetkari Sangathan held several rallies between 1980 and 2014 led by Sharad Joshi. Many of these confined to Vidarbha did not get much publicity.  The Left resolved West Bengal land issues. 

In 2009, the Tata group was forced to abandon plans to set up a factory at Singur in West Bengal to build Nano - the world’s cheapest car - after protests by farmers. It caused a political upheaval in West Bengal bringing the end to 34 year-long Left rule and rise of maverick Mamata Banerjee’s TMC. In 2011, there were violent clashes between farmers and police in the Bhatta-Parsaul villages of northern Uttar Pradesh over the acquisition of farmland for road and industry. 

On October 2, 2012, Gandhi Jayanti day, about 50,000 poor farmers, members of rural communities, including the landless and the tribal community, on a Jan Satyagraha, marching from different parts of southern India converged at Gwalior to continue their march to New Delhi. An alarmed UPA government, sent Rural Development Minister Jairam Ramesh and Commerce Minister Jyotiraditya Scindia to meet the organisers -- a non-governmental organisation called Ekta Parishad -- to accept the government’s promise that a draft national land reform policy would be prepared in six months. 

The Jan Satyagrah protesters did get lukewarm response in the media, but they were firm that welfare programmes like the rural jobs (MNREGA) were no solution to poverty. They demanded that their land be not acquired for roads and industry as land sustained livelihood and could lift tens of millions out of poverty. The ministers’ promises were not fulfilled during the UPA regime. 

The next NDA regime in 1920 brought three legislations allowing farmers freedom to sell their produce to anybody and anywhere; with price assurances and contract farming. It stirred a 17-month long agitation by farmers of UP, Punjab and Haryana at borders till these were withdrawn on December 11, 2021. 

Those unfulfilled promises, rising prices, severe mismatch between input cost and MSP stirred the present agitation by Punjab farmers on February 13 for marching to Delhi only to be prevented by the Haryana Chief Minister ML Khattar’s highhanded police action with one death and 177 hurt at the Shambhu border in Punjab off Ambala. Borders around Delhi are sealed with barbed wire, fencing, sharp spikes, concretised walls and posse of policemen. Four rounds of talks were held at Chandigarh with central ministers. But farmers rejected diversion of cropping pattern and MSP guarantee on five crops other than wheat and rice. The Sanyukt Kisan Union led farmers from UP is now joining it. 

The government can solve it with empathy. It could arrange a two-hour local EMU train ride to New Delhi, allow a rally at Ramlila Ground, a km from New Delhi station, and hold talks with their leaders. Intelligently government leaders could address the farmers and win their hearts with a promise to holistically review the myriad farm issues and the vexed MSP. Satisfied farmers could go back by the same train in the evening possibly ensuring a political bonanza for the government on poll-eve. It would save tonnes in fortifying Delhi, may be enough to fund guaranteed MSP with immense goodwill.---INFA 

(Copyright, India News & Feature Alliance)

 

 

Gyanvapi Mosque: TIME FOR BHARAT BHAKTI?, By Poonam I Kaushish, 27 February 2024 Print E-mail

Political Diary

New Delhi, 27 February 2024

Gyanvapi Mosque

TIME FOR BHARAT BHAKTI?

By Poonam I Kaushish 

It was music to Shiv Bhakts as Har Har Mahadev had his way, say and came out trumps. In a big win for Hindus, Allahabad High Court Monday dismissed Gyanvapi mosque management committee's appeals challenging Varanasi district judge's order last month allowing “puja” to be performed in Vyas Tehkhana, averring “worship will continue.” 

Recall, Samajwadi’s Mulayam Singh Government had stopped prayers in the Tehkhana 1993 post Babri Masjid demolition.  On Shailendra Vyas’s petition claiming cellar was with his family since 1551and prayers were being held since British times till 1993 and State could not arbitrarily take away his right of freedom of religion granted by Article 25, the district judge  allowed puja. 

Certainly, the temple-masjid symbolism is an intoxicating potent being used by Hindus and Muslims, depending on which side of the template one is on. History tells us Aurangzeb built Gyanvapi Mosque 1669 after demolishing Vishweshwar Mandir. The temple’s plinth was left untouched and continued to serve as the mosque’s courtyard which reportedly has a Shivling in the pond used for “wasoo” (purification) before namaz and why Hindus are being deprived of their religious right to offer water to the ‘lingam.’ 

In 1936, three Muslim petitioners moved Varanasi’s District Court demanding the entire Gyanvapi complex be declared mosque’s part. The Court granted right to offer namaz alongside prayers anywhere in the complex. 

However, just like Places of Worship Act (PoW) the present case too has its roots in 1991 when a Vishwanath temple priest’s descendant and two others filed a suit in Varanasi’s civil judge court demanding declaration that Gyanvapi complex is part of Kashi temple, removal of Muslims from therein, mosque’s demolition as it was built on old Visweshwar temple’s remnants and land be returned to them, bypassing the PoW. 

In 1998 Anjuman Intezamia Masjid Committee (AIM) moved Allahabad High Court asserting temple-mosque land dispute could not be adjudicated by a civil court as it was barred by PoW Act citing Section 3 which prohibits converting place of worship of a different religious denomination or a different class of the same religious denomination. Section 4(2) states all litigations, appeals or other proceedings relating to changing nature of the place of worship (which were pending till August 15, 1947) shall cease after the enactment of this Act and no fresh action can be taken on such cases. 

The petitioners contended the 1991 Act did not apply to the mosque as the mandir was partly demolished to construct it. Also, as change in nature of worship place had occurred after the cut-off date of August 15, 1947 legal action could be initiated, resulting in the High Court staying proceedings in the lower court for 22 years. 

The issue was revived in 2019 demanding an Archeological survey of the entire disputed area. This was ceded by the city-court on 8 April 2021. Alongside, a five-member committee comprising archaeology experts with two members from “minority community” was constituted to determine whether any temple existed at the site, prior to the mosque. The AIM challenged this in Allahabad High Court which indefinitely stayed the survey. 

On 18 August 2021 five women filed a petition demanding right to worship in Shringar Gauri temple daily without restrictions along-with other “visible and invisible deities within the old temple complex”. Presently, devotees are allowed to worship only on fourth day of Chaitra Navratra. 

In April 2022 Varanasi District Court allowed videography. AIM moved Supreme Court stating it went against PoW Act which was rejected. In July Allahabad’s High Court upheld Varanasi Court ordering ASI survey to determine if mosque was built upon a temple. In August last Supreme Court refused to stop ASI continuing their “scientific investigation of mosque’s complex”.

Questionably, is the genesis of the dispute just to rectify history? Is it only about worship in Tehkhana? Or ensure BJP’s political future of Hindu consolidation? “Ayodhya to bas jhaanki hai, Kashi-Mathura baaki hai? Saffronites allege Mathura’s Shahi Idgah Masjid was built by demolishing a temple at Lord Krishna birthplace. A case is pending before a local court seeking to reclaim Katra Keshav Dev Mandir complex. 

Undoubtedly, the judgment’s larger implications are that it paves path for suits of similar nature. To buttress its claim, a senior BJP leader underscores Kashi Vishwanath Temple as Lord Shiva’s most significant shrine and prominent among 12 ‘Jyotirlingas’ mentioned in Puranas. It’s part of our national heritage and symbol of nationalism which is at the core of Indian consciousness.  We have given Kashi a political thrust for installing Hindu nationalism as India’s dominant political credo. 

More. The Saffron Sangh avers idea of communal harmony and unity flies in the face of historical evidence even as Muslims use historic religious sites as reference points to articulate their socio-political goals and build modern identities with different visions of a modern State. 

Musim clerics aver Hindutva Brigade has found its golden goose: Reclaiming temples by breaking mosques to get Hindu majority to keep bringing them back to power on an emotive issue built on the foundation of aastha and badla from Muslim invaders, who are history. The method is simple: instill a feeling of victimisation within Hindus that they had been dealt unfairly by Muslim minority, first by Mughals and now by Congress and Opposition Parties which believe in Muslim appeasement. 

Today, this victim complex has now culminated into a superiority complex within a cross-section of the majority community which wants to assert its identity by demolition of mosques and “reclaiming” temples. Ayodhya and Babri were the political investments made three decades ago. 

Adding, “For the BJP it is a political issue for which they will gain benefits in 2024 elections, specially, as it Prime Minister Modi’s constituency. The Saffron Sangh wants to dip into their interest earnings from Ayodhya and make fresh investments — basically go on an expansion drive, inject fresh fuel in religiosity via Kashi and Mathura which are part of a grand effort to undermine India’s Islamic history. The motive is clear. Monuments that remind presence of Muslims ruling India must be destroyed.” 

Already, there are four instances beside Varanasi where the origin of various structures are being challenged before courts despite the PoW law: Mathura, Agra, Madhya Pradesh’s Dhar and New Delhi. 

In a sense, the dispute with its political undertones, underscores the nemesis of depending wholly and pathetically on the judicial process to tackle an issue of faith. Perhaps a way forward is to learn from the Ayodhya verdict. The judgment went a long way in becoming a catalytic agent to integrate India and make it a cohesive whole. 

It strengthened the basic features of the Constitution and confidence of people, especially of minorities, on independence of judiciary and rule of law. People showed their inherent maturity. There were no untoward incidents, fiery and inciting speeches, celebration or despondency.

 

Clearly, a long legal battle lies ahead as Gyanvapi Mosque-Kashi temple is related to faith and posturing of assertion is not the best formula for amity. In a pluralist society, with multiplicity of religions, Hindu-Muslim religious leaders need to sit together and work on a solution. For starters why don’t ShivBhakts and Rahim Abids evoke the spirit of Rashtra Bhakti. What gives? ----- INFA

(Copyright, India News & Feature Alliance)

 

Of ‘Honour’ & Politics: WB ROW GETS MURKIER, By Insaf, 24 February 2024 Print E-mail

Round The States

New Delhi, 24 February 2024

Of ‘Honour’ & Politics

WB ROW GETS MURKIER

By Insaf 

Sandeshkhali in West Bengal’s North 24 Parganas district is becoming a political hot potato. It’s not just the ‘honour’ of the village women but also of the Sikh community in the State. Tempers are far from being pacified. On the one hand, fresh protests broke out on Friday last in the village as locals set fire to properties belonging to TMC leaders Shahjahan Sheikh and his brother Siraj for grabbing their land and sexually assaulting their women and on the other the Sikh community staged demonstration in front of BJP office in Kolkata on Wednesday last, expressing solidarity with an IPS officer who has alleged its party leader Suvendu Adhikari labelled him as a ‘Khalistani’, as he was deputed to prevent him from visiting Sandeshkhali. Similar protests were held by the Sikhs in few districts, and Congress, AAP and TMC promptly grabbed the opportunity and slammed BJP for ‘divisive politics.’ While Adhikari denied the allegations, TMC launched a digital protest with theme “I Am A Sikh, I Wear Turban, & I Am Not Khalistani,” and demanded an explanation from Prime Minister Modi. Guess it will get a response on his visit scheduled for 6 March. Will tables be turned?    

‘Dictator’ Raids

It’s happened – outspoken and a critic of Modi government, former J&K Governor Satya Pal Malik has come under CBI’s radar. Vendetta or it is own goal, is the big question? On Thursday last, raids were conducted at his premises and 29 other locations, all connected to alleged corruption in Rs 2,200-crore Kiru Hydropower project in Jammu. Recall, he had claimed being offered Rs 300-crore bribe for clearing two files, including this project, when he was Governor from August 23, 2018-October 30, 2019. As premises linked to him in Delhi’s Dwarka, R K Puram, Asian Games Village and in Gurugram and Baghpat were being searched, he posted on X: “I have been ill for last 3-4 days and am admitted to hospital. Despite this, my house is being raided by the dictator through government agencies. My driver and my assistant are also being raided and harassed unnecessarily. I am a farmer’s son, I will not be afraid of these raids. I am with the farmers.’ But CBI said raids covered premises of all involved in the April 2022 case, prompting him to accuse it of ‘harassing the whistle-blower himself’! Critic may be more appropriate given record of his statements: Pulwama terror attack could have been averted if Centre had not turned down his request for aircraft to move CRPF personnel; farmers can’t be humiliated; if Modi comes back in 2024 it’s the death of democracy and he must be stopped, etc. Nothing short of inviting wrath?  

Concern Over Farmers’ Stir

Home Ministry is tightening the screws on the Punjab government, with the farmers threatening to put their protest into top gear, with some breaks, following the death of a farmer at Khanouri border on Wednesday last, amid excessive police action. Agencies report 14,000-odd people have been allowed to gather at Shambhu barrier, with nearly 1,200 tractor-trolleys, 300 cars, 10 mini-buses and other small vehicles. Similarly, Punjab has allowed a gathering of around 4,500 people with close to 500 tractor-trolleys at the Dhabi-Gujran barrier. However, ‘law and order situation is deteriorating’ claims North block and has asked AAP government to take action to ‘curb disruptive activities’. Task impossible, as Centre itself has failed to make headway with the farmers’ demands so far. Plans are afoot now by farmers’ organisations to launch nationwide protests; demanded Rs 1 crore compensation for farmer’s family; called for ‘tractor pradarshan’ (demonstration) on Monday across the country; organise a mahapanchayat at Delhi’s Ramlila Maidan on 14 March, etc. A stitch in time saves nine, is the idiom the Centre could do well with.  

INDIA Ties-UP

Uttar Pradesh and Delhi offer hope to INDIA bloc with seat-sharing for Lok Sabha polls between Congress and SP and AAP respectively appears to be working out. In Lucknow, the grand old party and SP announced on Wednesday last a tie-up in UP and Madhya Pradesh, with the latter leaving 17 of the 80 seats and getting a solitary seat Khajuraho respectively. Interestingly, Congress will contest in high profile constituencies of Raebareli, Amethi, and Varanasi and SP and allies shall fight rest of 63 seats. More good news followed. Congress and AAP agreed that former will contest 3 of the seven seats in Delhi. With all 7 seats with BJP in Delhi, the going is not easy, particularly for AAP. It has fresh accusations against the saffron party now. On Friday it claimed BJP was scared of the alliance, had asked it not to have one, and shall soon get the ED to arrest Kejriwal, following its 7th summons in the liquor case. The allegations don’t cut much ice as it has agreed to share seats in Chandigarh, Goa, Gujarat, and Haryana with Congress, but will go solo in Punjab. Guess, have the cake and eat it too!   

Justice For Chandigarh

Three cheers to Supreme Court. The ‘rigged’ Chandigarh mayor poll has been set aside. On Tuesday last, not only did it instal declared defeated AAP-Congress nominee Kuldeep Kumar to the seat, hurriedly taken by BJP nominee Manoj Sonkar, but found returning officer Anil Masih ‘guilty of a serious misdemeanour’. It directed a show cause notice be issued to him under Section 340 of CrPC 1973 (offence affecting administration of justice), as “Pertinently, this is not an ordinary case of alleged malpractice by candidates in an election, but electoral misconduct by presiding officer himself.” Underlining ‘a free and fair electoral process is imperative for maintaining people’s trust in representative democracy,’ it said, “The ballots hadn’t been defaced when presiding officer put his mark at the bottom…each of the eight ballot papers, which were invalidated by Masih, the votes were duly cast in favour of Kumar…”, thereby upholding Kumar’s plea. Though Sonkar resigned 48 hours before the order, it didn’t stop the court to invoke Article 142 (empowering it to pass any decree or order necessary for doing complete justice in matters pending before it) given the “brazen nature of the malpractice, visible on camera, had made the situation all the more extraordinary...’ BJP must see it as a warning, lest it goes pink again!  

No Balm for Manipur

Too little, too late, is best way to describe Manipur High Court’s action on Wednesday last. It ordered the deletion of a paragraph from a March 2023 order that had asked Biren Singh government to consider including the Meitei community in the ST list within 4 weeks, which recall triggered the ethnic unrest and set the State on fire claiming hundreds of lives and displacing thousands. The single bench justified removal of the paragraph during a review petition saying it conflicted with Supreme Court’s constitution bench position. In effect, it accepted the thumb rule that courts shouldn’t overstep their jurisdiction in determining such categorisations. Recall, the top court when petitioned last May against that order had criticised it as ‘obnoxious’ as the High Court was ‘absolutely wrong’. However, it had refrained from staying the order as petitions challenging the order were pending with the larger division bench and invited tribal participation, particularly from the Kukis. Nearly a year since, the State is far from returning to normalcy. The ethnic divide between Kuki and Meitei people is complete.  Manipur is divided almost in two parts. It will take a lot more to bridge the gap. ---INFA 

(Copyright, India News & Feature Alliance)

 

 

UN Veto on Gaza: CALL FOR REFORMS, By Prof. (Dr.) D.K. Giri, 23 February 2024 Print E-mail

Round The World

New Delhi, 23 February 2024

UN Veto on Gaza

CALL FOR REFORMS

By Prof. (Dr.) D.K. Giri

(Secretary General, Assn for Democratic Socialism) 

The United States vetoed the UN resolution calling for immediate humanitarian ceasefire in Gaza. Thirteen out of 15 UN Security Council members, both permanent and non-permanent, voted in favour, Britain abstained and US voted against. But, since the five permanent members (P-5) have the veto powers, the United States vetoed it causing the resolution to be un-implementable. This is the third time the US has vetoed the resolutions on humanitarian ceasefire in Gaza: October 18, December 8 in 2023 and now this year, February 20. After the veto, the demand for reform of UN organs has become shriller. 

The United States is moving, at the time of writing, an alternative resolution calling for temporary ceasefire linked to the release of hostages held by Hamas since 7 October 2023.  On this dark day, Hamas launched a terrorist attack on Israel killing over 1200 people and taking 256 Israelis, including women and children, as hostages. What will happen to this resolution is a matter of time and speculation. Let us focus on the frustrations and desperations by the international community on the controversial veto process in the UN. Let us recall that the veto power has been exercised by all the five members on numerous occasions. 

In the recent past, Russia has used the veto 12 times in favour of the Syrian government which is guilty of genocide of over 400,000 of its citizens since 2011. Russia even vetoed a resolution calling for ending the use of chemical weapons by the Syrian regime in the civil war. China has vetoed more than once resolutions on Islamic terrorists working against India, to declare them ‘global terrorists.’ Russia has been vetoing any resolution in favour of Ukraine with regard to the ongoing Ukraine war. China is also vetoing any resolution in favour of Muslim Rohingyas as Beijing completely backs the military regime of Myanmar. 

There is a contentious historical context of the veto power by P-5 members. The P-5 is now divided broadly into two groups – US, France, United Kingdom on the one hand and China and Russia on the other. However, all of them act like a club and the club will not change the rules which take away their privileges. So has been the case. 

The question raised now by many countries is whether it is just, inclusive or equitable to let five countries impose their will on the rest 188 member-countries of the world. In fact, in the context of the veto, it is one country out of five imposing its will on the rest. Is this a fair, prudent and practical way to run international politics? Admittedly, UN Security Council has acted in unity in some cases, like military actions against dictatorial regime of Col. Gaddafi in Libya and sanctions against Iran etc. But in many cases like the ones cited, the one of the P-5 has been able to monopolise the peace process, in fact in most cases, derailing it. 

Let us remember that the UN was created after the Second World War in order to prevent succeeding generations ‘from the scourge of war’. The alternative strategy UN adapted to war consists of diplomacy, mediation and peace initiatives. But because of the unequal composition of the UN organs, mainly the UN Security Council, the principal objective of the United Nation has been defeated; hence the call for reforms of its structure. 

India, as the biggest democracy and the most populous country in the world is leading the campaign on UN Security Council reform. The principle New Delhi puts forth is ‘equity in global decision making’. This will redress the historical injustices committed on the Global South; “centuries of injustices”. India’s Permanent Representative at the United Nations Ambassador Ruchira Kamboj made a powerful case at the Inter-Governmental Negotiations on Security Council Reform on 16 February. 

She forcefully put it, “I think we might all broadly agree that the historical injustices perpetrated against the Global South can no longer be ignored. It is time to rectify these disparities by ensuring greater representation for regions like Asia, Latin America and Africa on the Security Council through reform in both permanent and non-permanent categories of membership”. 

Furthermore, she elaborated, “Equity demands that every nation, irrespective of its size or power be afforded an equal opportunity to shape global decision-making.” She added that equity entails that the voices of the marginalised and the oppressed be elevated on to the world stage. Including the members of the Global South into the table will lead to more inclusive decision-making. Also, an inclusive Council will foster a broader consensus and legitimacy of its decisions. 

Let it be noted that India is not only demanding the expansion of both permanent and non-permanent categories of membership of the UNSC; New Delhi is also asking for restructuring the decision-making process in the Council, which includes abolition of the veto power. Unless done so, mere expansion of the membership will not solve the problem; on the contrary, it will lead to perpetuation of existing inequities. 

There is some wind of reforms blowing from the P-5 countries as well. One hears the talk of embracing the concept of ‘voluntary restraint’. Prof. Jenifer Trahan discusses this concept in her book ‘Existing Legal Limits to Security Council Veto Power in the Face of Atrocity Crimes, Chapter 3 focuses on ‘Initiatives to Voluntarily Restraint Veto Use as to the Face of Atrocity Crimes’. There are six initiatives discussed in the chapter. 

She addresses a legal issue here, i.e., whether P-5 countries can legally use the veto in the face of atrocity crimes – which has serious implications on conflicts, and on the lives of all those affected by the conflict. Crucially, she establishes the linkage between the exercise of the veto power and ‘continuing death tolls on the ground’, like it is happening now in Gaza, Ukraine and other ongoing conflicts. 

Heeding the arguments and advice of Prof. Trahan, the world must do its utmost to ensure that UN charter’s voting provisions (veto) are never used that facilitates or enables the perpetration of genocide, war crimes or crimes against humanity. 

The second much-talked about reform is the expanding the membership. The United States, UK and France are apparently open to expansion whereas China and Russia oppose it. The most potential candidate for permanent membership of the UNSC are India, Brazil, Japan and Germany which somewhat operate as G-4. This should happen sooner than later. 

To sum up, the United Nations has not been effective in countering conflicts, preventing wars and restraining belligerence by many countries. But, without doubt, United Nations has done commendable and critical developmental as well as humanitarian work. As we scan the multiple development arms of the United Nations, their works across the globe deserve admiration of the international community. So, one is not writing the obituary of UN. On the contrary, if UN did not exist, we had to invent it. More power to United Nations as it resets its structures and functions.---INFA 

(Copyright, India News & Feature Alliance)

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