Economic Highlights

New Delhi, 11 May 2026

TN Rises, WB Moves Up

CHALLENGES FOR NEW GOVTS

By Shivaji Sarkar 

India’s economic geography is changing rapidly. The gap between states that build industry, attract investment and create jobs and those trapped in political confrontation, debt and administrative drift is widening sharply. Even in growth, the contrast is visible between Tamil Nadu and West Bengal. 

The new governments in 2026, would have challenges in both the states. Tamil Nadu has emerged as one of India’s strongest economic powers, ranking second in the country by Gross State Domestic Product (GSDP). West Bengal, once India’s industrial and intellectual centre, now is at the sixth position, while Kerala, despite its social achievements, is increasingly facing fiscal stress and slower growth. 

The gap among states is in a narrow range. Gujarat has total GSDP of Rs 33.25 lakh core, Tamil Nadu Rs 28 lakh crore, West Bengal between Rs 18 and 21 lakh crore. 

Interesting to note that even under TMC, West Bengal was projected to be a major growth engine in Eastern India, with its GSDP expected to grow by 7.62 per cent in FY26. Growth is driven by a strong services sector (55 per cent of output), tech hubs like Bengal Silicon Valley, and rapid EV adoption, aiming to become a top-three state economy within ten years. Low per capita income is its problem. 

The story is not merely about statistics. It is about governance, investment climate, political priorities and the ability of states to adapt to a changing economy. Tamil Nadu today represents one model of growth. West Bengal represents another reality of missed opportunities. 

Tamil Nadu’s economy is driven by manufacturing, automobiles, electronics, ports, renewable energy, textiles and technology services. It has built strong industrial ecosystems around Chennai, Coimbatore, Hosur, Tiruppur and Salem. Global firms continue to invest in the state because of infrastructure, skilled labour, industrial culture and relative administrative stability. 

The state has become one of India’s biggest electronics and semiconductor hubs. Automobile manufacturing remains a backbone. Technology and services are expanding steadily. Even political rivalry in Tamil Nadu has largely remained development-oriented compared to many other states. 

Its economic rise is not accidental. Tamil Nadu invested for decades in education, public health, industrial corridors and social welfare while simultaneously building an environment favourable to manufacturing. The state developed ports, highways and urban infrastructure much before many others realised their importance. 

West Bengal’s trajectory has been very different. Despite its strategic location, major ports, natural resources and rich intellectual history, Bengal has struggled to regain industrial strength lost over decades. Political turbulence, labour militancy in earlier decades, land conflicts and administrative uncertainty weakened investor confidence. 

The state still has enormous strengths—Kolkata remains a major urban and cultural centre, and sectors like services, small manufacturing and logistics continue to survive—but large-scale industrial expansion has lagged behind states such as Tamil Nadu, Maharashtra, Gujarat and increasingly even Assam. 

Per capita GSDP growth in Bengal and Kerala has often remained below 5 per cent in recent years, far weaker than many faster-growing states. Bengal also faces a high debt burden, limiting the government’s ability to spend aggressively on infrastructure and development. 

Kerala faces similar fiscal pressures. Despite impressive social indicators in literacy, healthcare and human development, Kerala has increasingly struggled economically. The state has been placed in the “aspirational” category in the NITI Aayog Fiscal Health Index 2026 because of weak fiscal indicators and rising debt concerns. 

Its economy depends heavily on remittances, tourism and services. But global uncertainty and changing migration trends are creating vulnerabilities. Rising welfare expenditure and debt servicing costs are also straining state finances. The contrast with Tamil Nadu has therefore become sharper. 

Tamil Nadu combines welfare with production. Bengal and Kerala increasingly appear trapped between welfare commitments and weak revenue growth. Tamil Nadu’s politics, despite sharp competition, largely revolves around governance, welfare delivery and development claims. Political parties compete over jobs, investments, social schemes and infrastructure. 

In Bengal, politics has increasingly become conflict-driven. Polarisation, street-level confrontation and prolonged electoral battles dominate public discourse. Administrative attention often appears consumed by political survival rather than long-term economic planning. Industrialisation debates remain unresolved. The memories of Singur and Nandigram still haunt Bengal. Land acquisition remains politically sensitive. Investors continue to worry about policy uncertainty and political volatility. As a result, many industries prefer southern and western states. 

The situation has become more politically charged after the 2026 assembly elections. The BJP’s aggressive rise in Bengal reflects not only ideological expansion but also growing concern over unemployment, migration and lack of industrial opportunities. Large sections of Bengal’s youth continue to migrate to southern and western India for jobs. 

Ironically, many migrate to Tamil Nadu itself. It’s industrial success has attracted workers from across eastern India, including West Bengal, Bihar and Odisha. This migration itself reflects the changing economic balance within India. 

Another important difference lies in governance culture. Tamil Nadu has built relatively stronger administrative systems for industrial approvals, exports and manufacturing support. Bengal still struggles with bureaucratic delays and political interference perceptions. 

Infrastructure gaps also matter. Tamil Nadu has stronger industrial corridors, logistics networks and export systems linked to global supply chains. Bengal’s ports and connectivity provide huge potential, but modernisation and execution remain uneven. 

Kerala faces another challenge—limited land availability and high labour costs—which constrain large manufacturing expansion. Debt is becoming a serious issue for both Bengal and Kerala. High borrowings reduce fiscal flexibility. More government money goes into interest payments rather than productive investment. Welfare schemes become harder to sustain without stronger revenue generation. 

Tamil Nadu also carries debt, but its larger industrial economy gives it stronger capacity to manage finances and attract investment. This does not mean Tamil Nadu has no problems. It faces urban stress, water pressures, rising inequality and political uncertainties. But its economic foundations remain stronger. 

Bengal still possesses immense untapped potential. Its location near Bangladesh and Southeast Asia, access to ports, educational heritage and cultural strength could support a major revival if combined with industrial reforms and political stability. 

Kerala too has opportunities in knowledge industries, tourism, healthcare and green technologies if it improves fiscal discipline. But the economic map of India is clearly shifting.

The old dominance of some states is fading while new industrial centres are emerging. Southern India, particularly Tamil Nadu, continues to consolidate its economic lead. 

For Bengal and Kerala, the warning signs are clear. Welfare politics alone cannot sustain long-term prosperity without production, investment and employment generation. The future belongs not merely to politically loud states but to economically organised ones. 

(Copyright, India News & Feature Alliance)

Top of Form

Rewind

New Delhi, 14 May 2026

PEOPLE’S POWER ASSERTS IN ASSAM

By Inder Jit

(Released on December 21, 1985) 

People’s power has again expressed itself decisively in Assam. The AASU, led ably and courageously by Mr Prafulla Mahanta and Mr Bhrigu Phukan, and the AAGSP, led by Mr Biraj Sharma and others, which spearheaded the agitation against the foreigners, have been voted to power in the Assembly poll in the shape of the newly-formed Asom Gana Parishad. I raised the matter at the national level in my column on December 4, 1979 entitled: Assam Is Not For Burning. I wrote: “People’s power has asserted itself magnificently in Assam. Most people outside Assam have little idea of all that has happened. About a fortnight ago, Assam witnessed for six days an unprecedented mass satyagraha in the finest Gandhian tradition. Lakhs of Assamese courted arrest to demand postponement of the poll until the aliens’ issue was satisfactorily resolved. What precisely is the issue? Briefly, the Assamese people are fighting for their identity and survival against what an Indian citizen of neglected Assam described as ‘an undeclared invasion of their State by lakhs of foreigners’. 

The then Prime Minister, Mr Charan Singh and the Deputy Prime Minister, Mr Y.B. Chavan, chose to go ahead with the Lok Sabha poll. However, the election could be held in only two of the State's 14 constituencies. Mrs Indira Gandhi acted within two days of her taking over as Prime Minister early in January 1980. Dr S.D. Sharma was rushed off to Guwahati as her special emissary. On February 2, Mrs Gandhi and Giani Zail Singh, then Home Minister, met the Assam students' delegation. An accord was reached in principle. It was broadly agreed that “no election will be held in Assam until the names of all foreign nationals are removed from the electoral rolls”. But the agitation leaders soon discovered that what had been agreed was “old hat wrapped up in familiar official jargon”. The accord failed to answer five basic questions. Who are the foreigners? How are they to be detected? When will they be deported? When will the electoral rolls be revised and the postponed poll held? How will the Assamese be enabled to preserve their identity, culture and heritage? Trouble erupted again and continued. 

The backdrop is necessary to understand the basis of the historic accord reached in the early hours of August 15 last, the latest poll and the future of the State and, indeed, of the region. Various explanations are being offered for the triumph of the AGP and the debacle of the Congress-I. But one basic fact stands out, as emphasised by an astute Congress-I campaigner in a candid talk last week: “We were not fighting a political campaign. We were fighting a movement. Yes, a movement which was charged with passion and great deal of emotion.” Switching over briefly to Hindi after a pause, he said: “Khoon bola hai” -- and asked: “How do you expect the people and some leaders to forget all the excesses, including rape of dear ones in front of their eyes?” The vote was undoubtedly earned by erstwhile AASU and AAGSP leaders through six years of struggle, sacrifice and suffering. However, the 1977 Janata wave also holds a parallel on one score: the people’s anger. A Congress-I leader recalled how he had cautioned Mrs Gandhi prior to the 1977 Lok Sabha poll: “Madam, we can fight the Opposition parties. But how do we fight people’s wrath?”   

Assam has traditionally been a Congress-I State. The party bagged 10 of the 14 Lok Sabha seats in 1977 even when the Janata wave swept the Hindi heartland. But the Assamese people were forced to sit up when in September 1978 the then Chief Election Commissioner, Mr S.L. Shakäher, sounded an alarm. He not only expressed concern over the continuing influx of foreigners into the region but warned that unless the influx was stopped the foreigners might come to dominate the region. The fat was in the fire when preparations were undertaken for a Lok Sabha byelection from Mangaldoi in mid-1979. These showed that some 45,000 foreigners were on the electoral rolls. Objections had been raised against some 70,000 names. The problem was not new. The issue was taken up time and again by Assam with the Central leaders, beginning with Nehru himself. New Delhi repeatedly promised to deport the foreigners and end the infiltration. But little was allowed to be done by deep vested interests. The foreigners provided the Congress-I with convenient and reliable vote banks. Meanwhile, quid pro quo continued and so did infiltration. 

Assam’s youth and intellectuals hopefully waited for the State’s political leaders to move in the matter. But nothing happened. AASU then stepped forward and so also the intellectuals under the banner of Assam Gana Sangram Parishad. Initially, the movement posed a dilemma for a State which was Congress at heart. But before long it involved almost the entire Assamese population, Even the latest poll appears to have posed a predicament for many, including the youth, as reflected in a significant aside to the unfortunate episode in which the helicopter of Mr Amitabh Bachchan was damaged by AGP’s young volunteers. One of the students, who was among those hurling stones, came up to Mr Bachchan, thrust a note into his hand, rejoined the crowd and again started hurling stones at the helicopter. The note, which saddened Mr Bachchan, read: “You are one of our super stars. We love you and admire you. When you were fighting for your life, we sat up all night and prayed for you. But we have sworn to fight for our survival and for the AGP. We are today opposed to the Congress-I. You should not have come. Please go away. We still love you.”  

This brings us to a crucial question which is being asked widely: how regional and parochial is the AGP? I am afraid the AGP is in this case more sinned against than sinning. As I ventured to submit on Doordarshan’s national network as the anchorman for the special election telecasts, the AGP cannot in all fairness be dubbed as a regional party in the generally understood sense of the term like the Telugu Desam or the DMK or the AIADMK. Undoubtedly, the AGP is restricted to Assam and has a limited regional base. But its main plank is still the foreigners’ issue and implementation of the Accord even as it stands for the State’s speedy economic progress and a better deal for its long-neglected people. AASU and AAGSP

clearly rendered great service by raising a vital national issue and compelling the Centre to shoulder its constitutional and moral responsibility on the question of foreigners. The AGP can be likened closest to Sheikh Abdullah’s National Conference, a party with a national and secular outlook. This is not to say that regional parties like Telugu Desam lack nationalism and are anti-national. 

The Assamese are traditionally nationalist and secular in their outlook and approach. They are essentially polite and peace loving They are inclined to take life easy and largely believe in “lahe lahe –slowly slowly”. But once roused they can be very tough and invincible as shown by history. The Mughals mounted 17 invasions of Kamrup, as Assam has been traditionally known. But they failed to conquer the State. In fact, the great Mughal General Mir Jumla, met his waterloo at the hands of the great Ahom General Lachit Barphookan, whose famous saying, which has relevance even in today’s India, is inscribed in letters of gold on the entrance of Shillong’s beautiful Raj Bhawan. Said the General: “My Uncle is not greater than my country.” (Lachit Barphookan had his own uncle beheaded for turning a traitor and joining hands with Mir Jumla.) The word “foreigners” has been deliberately distorted to confuse the issue. The Assamese are opposed only to the foreigners, not the Assamese Muslims and outsiders from elsewhere in India, who include large numbers of Biharis, Nepalis, Marwaris and Punjabis. 

Not many today know or remember that Assam almost went to Pakistan as a Muslim majority province but for a hard struggle put up by one of its great sons and freedom fighters: Gopinath Bordoloi. Eventually, Sylhet, a predominantly Muslim majority area was detached from Assam Province, as the State was then known, and given to Pakistan -- and Assam enabled at Gandhij’s instance to continue with India. Those who live in Sylhet and many who have infiltrated from erstwhile East Pakistan or Bangladesh, it is said, have not given up their dream. In fact, not a few knowledgeable people in the region have heaved a sigh of relief over the majority secured by the AGP. Prof G.G. Swell, who is a former Deputy Speaker of the Lok Sabha and hails from Shillong told me on Friday in Parliament’s Central Hall: “The United Minorities Front was hoping this time to be a deciding factor. Thank God, the AGP and its leaders, who are nationalists, have won a majority. Otherwise, the whole of the north-east and its affairs may have been influenced or even run by remote control from Dacca. The danger is real and it behoves us to take serious notice of this.” 

Where do we go from here? Fortunately, both Mr Mahanta and Mr Phukan have spoken in the right accents and idiom and, what is more, carry sober and sensible heads over their young shoulders. They have also the benefit of sound advice from Mr Dinesh Goswami, whose triumphant return to the Lok Sabha should help greatly strengthen the Opposition and Parliament, and others. (The Lok Sabha will also stand to gain greatly by the election of Mr Shahabuddin, Janata’s General Secretary, and the return of Mr Somnath Chatterjee of the CPM. Importantly, the Press has been largely unfair to Mr Shahabuddin. He won his poll on a socialist and secular platform and, according to his solemn word, “did not even once refer to the Shahbano case”) The AGP Ministry will need to take the earliest opportunity to do two things. First, reassure the genuine minorities as against illegal immigrants that their interests are safe. Second, take the earliest steps to implement the Assam Accord which has received the overwhelming support of all sections of the Assamese people barring those who have voted for the UMF and have other designs. 

The UMF leader, Mr Golam Osmani, has already thrown a challenge at the AGP. He has reportedly announced that the UMF will oppose implementation of the Accord. The supporters of the UMF may have reason to feel let down by the Congress-I against all that they had to suffer in supporting the party during the 1983 election. But Mr Rajiv Gandhi showed statesmanship in hammering out the Accord and in agreeing to dissolve the Assembly, based on a poll which was illegal, unconstitutional and immoral, and order fresh elections. But the challenge thrown by Mr Osmani is not only to the new State Government. It is even more so to New Delhi. The challenge must be met jointly by the Centre and the State Government and some joint framework evolved for speedy implementation of the Accord. Thought must also be given to tomorrow --- and infiltration ended. The State has already suffered greatly over the past six years. It’s time to open a new chapter. The UMF and its supporters should not be left in doubt on one score. Assam, as I wrote six years ago, is not for burning or for gifting away!-- INFA 

(Copyright, India News and Feature Alliance)

Open Forum

New Delhi, 13 May 2026

BJP All the Way

WILL IT MEET PEOPLE’S HOPES?

By Dhurjati Mukherjee 

The formation of the governments of the BJP in West Bengal, Assam and Puducherry after a spectacular victory reiterated once again the fact that the party, with all its drawbacks, has been successful in mobilising public opinion towards good governance and upholding intrinsic Indian values through propagation of Hindutva. The unanticipated number of seats that BJP captured in Bengal and the absolute majority in Assam despite the anti-incumbency factor, are indeed notable achievements. All predictions regarding the BJP getting the number of seats in Bengal were belied as the party surged ahead with a two-thirds majority, winning 207 seats, which even most party insiders and analysts did not quite expect.  

In Modi’s third term, the striking story has been the receding space of regional parties, particularly in Eastern India – BJD in Odisha, TMC in Bengal and even the AAP in the national capital. Defeats of TMC in Bengal and Congress in Assam show that a successful opposition to the BJP must go beyond narrow identity-centric narratives. In fact, the saffron party has been successful in integrating its own Hindutva with broader nationalism, thus allowing ambitious politicians from non-RSS streams to join in.  

In Bengal, the biggest news was the defeat of the former chief minister, Mamata Banerjee at the hands of BJP leader Suvendu Adhikari, who has been made the new chief minister. The two factors that were responsible for dislodging the TMC government are known and may be attributed to corruption and joblessness along with a profound sense of hopelessness. The subsidies dished out failed to win the confidence of the people, particularly the youth.  

The BJP’s aggressive campaign over minority issues and the issuance of land deeds to the families of tea plantation workers in Assam helped the party consolidate its traditional support base. The Opposition failed to set up a strong narrative around an alternative agenda of governance. Not just in Bengal but in Assam too BJP’s stunning victory raises concerns about increasing polarisation. 

The credit for the victory in these states obviously goes to the image of Prime Minister Modi who is considered a father figure of the saffron dispensation. Whether the projection of Modi or the marshalling of the ground-level RSS workers or the disgust with the corruption-laden TMC in Bengal helped the BJP in its outstanding victory in the state or whether all these factors together in routing the ruling party here will be analysed by political scientists in the days to come. Union Home Minister Amit Shah also put in a lot of effort by gearing up the organisational machinery and uniting all groups and factions within it. 

It is good to hear that Modi has repeatedly referred to the late Dr. Shyama Prasad Mookerjee and rightly stated that the party’s victory in Bengal was the fulfilment of his vision. He expressed the hope that the state would emerge as an industrial state, as envisioned by the first chief minister, Dr. B. C. Roy. Whether the template of industrialisation, which once found manifestation here, will witness a resurgence with Bengal’s inherent strengths remains to be seen but the new government has vowed to make this true.   

Critics may say that the results show consolidation of Hindu votes, but the so-called secular parties have done little for the Muslim community over the years – neither by educating them and bringing them into the mainstream of life and society or even by projecting religion in the right manner. Mamata’s minority appeasement faced a backlash and her last-minute initiative to construct temples did not go well with the people. 

Despite people’s mandate to the BJP, there’s a need to analyse the saffron party’s performance.  Though it has done lot of work in developing the physical infrastructure, the work in the social infrastructure segment remains much to be desired. The health sector has been neglected as most states do not have funds to equip the sub-divisional and block hospitals with the Centre not taking any initiative. However, it’s good to hear the Central scheme of Ayushman Bharat, which was resisted by the TMC government, will be implemented in the state at the first cabinet meeting. In education, the situation is the same with the BJP government not coming up with at least one model school in every sub-division.   

However, in recent years, there has been some change in its outlook towards the marginalised sections that is the tribals, the OBCs and the Dalits. But funding for state universities, more scholarships for research, ensuring a free atmosphere in higher educational instructions and giving them power without State interference remains to be done. It can’t be denied the party has done little for impoverished and marginalised segments and uplifting their conditions. 

The main challenge for BJP in Eastern states would be providing employment opportunities to the youth and improving workers condition in the informal sector. This indeed is a herculean task but it’s expected BJP will come up with the right strategy of promoting labour-intensive sectors. Unfortunately, some of the finest scholars, including engineers, doctors, managers etc. are leaving the state as employment opportunities don’t exist and they are building careers in Bengaluru, Mumbai, Hyderabad and even abroad. The electorate has voted for this to end. 

The Eastern sector, including Bihar and Odisha will all be ruled by the saffron party, which  needs to weave a proper strategy. Already Odisha is showing spectacular results, and the Centre is focussing its attention on that state, which a few years back, was considered backward.  

Another big challenge which the BJP, at least in Bengal, will find success is the rooting out corruption from the grassroots to the upper levels. Honest officers, both in the administration and in the police, will have to be appointed in key positions while in municipalities and panchayats there has to be rigorous monitoring of corrupt dealings and practices.  If corruption is brought down – and it is understood that both in Bihar and in Odisha this has been possible, there is hope for Bengal. 

However, the new BJP government has to take over a huge debt of around Rs 8 lakh crore left over by the TMC government. Plus, the question of giving DA to state government employees as per Central government levels, and upheld by the Supreme Court, must be considered. Meanwhile, the effects of US war on Iran will also affect all the states and the possibility of inflation can’t be ruled out. 

The change that is expected, not just by the people of Bengal but also of Assam and Odisha would put a further challenge on BJP and it must rise to the challenge by identifying the problems and fixing priorities. A democratic system must function not from the top but from the panchayat levels and identifying and solving the problems of the common man. 

Finally, it needs to be said that where religious demography is changing adversely for Hindus, and this includes Bengal Assam and Kerala, BJP will probably occupy centre stage. But development also must occur and people are eagerly awaiting whether the BJP  would be successful in showing the way for a better future. ---INFA 

(Copyright, India News & Feature Alliance)

Political Diary

New Delhi, 12 May, 2026

Missing U In Unity?

INDIA BLOC GONE?

By Poonam I Kaushish

Unity in disunity or disunity in unity? Flummoxed? Certainly, as Opposition fault lines cracked wide open post BJP’s victory and TMC, DMK, CPM’s defeat mingled with despair in the recent State polls. It is easy to slice, dice and analyze if INDIA Bloc has lost its vitality? Has hit its self-destruct button? Are its days numbered? Is time ripe for its epitaph?

Today, the Bloc seems fragmented after defeats in West Bengal, Tamil Nadu and Kerala which might exacerbate it further. At the storm’s centre which is threatening to shred the Bloc apart, is its biggest constituent, Congress. Already, DMK has made plain its distrust calling it “backstabbers” after the Grand Party jumped ship to newbie TVK. More so, as DMK had rewarded it a Rajya Sabha berth last month, resulting it no longer wanting to be seated alongside Congress MPs in Parliament.

Though DMK with 22 MPs hasn’t formally announced its departure from India Bloc, its importance for Opposition unity is not limited to Tamil Nadu alone, as it has consistently been a vocal champion of ideological agendas raised by the Bloc against BJP-led NDA Government over years. If it chooses to distance itself now, it could be the beginning of unravelling of the platform and Congress isolation within the larger Opposition space.

The crisis could not have come at a worse time for Opposition with TMC losing West Bengal, DMK Tamil Nadu and CPM Kerala which have robbed the Opposition of leaders who championed federalism, an issue which united all in Parliament and outside. Both Southern satraps were all for enlarging the federal structure for better federal balance and cultural distinction. A matter, contrary to Congress’s centrist tendencies.

Today, with Kerala under its belt, Congress holds office in three of five Southern States but it is no longer in a pole position nationally. Hence, it should have no issue in demanding more rights for States. But can and will it make a convincing case for federalism the way DMK did?

Also, with footprints of regional Parties shrinking, whereby TDP, JMM and NC are the only ones that run Governments, the crisis of federalism faces the threat of being reduced to an academic debate.

Pertinently the contradictions within India Bloc go back to its formation 2023. The big tent of non-BJP Parties was conceived as a national platform and was accepted from its initiation that Parties would compete at State level while coming together at the national level.

Certainly, it collectively pinned BJP to 240 MPs in 2024 polls, but the implausibility of such a loose arrangement was exposed when regional considerations compelled JD (U) Nitish to abandon the Bloc and shift loyalty to NDA. In West Bengal Bloc members competed and under-cut each other. Many times Abdullah’s NC and other groups warned that the Bloc was sliding towards irrelevance.

In fact, Tamil Nadu’s events have further reinforced the wobbly nature of Opposition unity   which functions without a proper coordination team, secretariat or coordinator. In this form at best it can be a nothing but a mere banner for floor coordination in Parliament. Consequently, it has lead to bad blood, disquiet and realignment.

There are strong indicators that the Bloc is facing an existential crisis and could break into two or more formations, giving the Modi-led NDA a distinct advantage and scope for manoeuvring 2029 Lok Sabha polls. Asserted a senior leader, “India Bloc is gone,” thereby sounding the first note of death knell of Opposition unity.

Clearly, a reset would require Congress to prioritise long term coalition building over short-term electoral priorities. The Tamil Nadu events have injected a crisis of confidence and trust within the Bloc that will not be easy to address and overcome. With 7 States set for Assembly elections next year the future looks bleak for Opposition unity. 

Paradoxically, the imminent disintegration of Opposition unity brings both joy and grief for the Grand Old Party. The Rahul Gandhi-led Congress has reasons to cheer the downfall of a whimsical and temperamental Mamata and Stalin’s defeat for two diverse reasons. In Bengal, Congress thinks it has a notional chance of revival and is hoping a TMC section ‘comes home.’  Given, daggers are out within State leaders blaming Mamata’s coterie for their downfall. Also things have gone sour between Mamata and nephew-heir Abhishek Banerjee.