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Privatisation Spree: NO ANSWER FOR PROGRESS, By Dhurjati Mukherjee, 17 February, 2021 Print E-mail

Open Forum

New Delhi, 17 February 2021

Privatisation Spree  

NO ANSWER FOR PROGRESS    

By Dhurjati Mukherjee

 

It’s one thing to announce plans and targets and another to have a roadmap to ensure these are achieved. Every year the government charts out goals in its Budget, however, the big question is whether there are enough resources in the kitty and the realisation that any shortfall would obviously lead to targets being partially fulfilled. Over successive years, a thorough homework has been seen to be missing!

 

In the recent Budget too, the spending spree and the emphasis on infrastructure development was widely hailed, but few raised questions about how resources would be actually raised to achieve the target. At the same time, another important challenge facing the country presently is of generating employment, which in the current scenario of encouraging capital intensive industries, to achieve economies of scale, may be extremely difficult to achieve to the required extent.

 

Coming to the privatisation strategy of the government announced by Finance Minister Sitharaman, the decision is to reduce the number of public sector undertakings in non-core sectors to just around two dozen from over 300 at present by handing over most to corporate houses and shuttling down loss-making enterprises. The final number would be decided by the Union Cabinet based on recommendations by NITI Aayog, which has been tasked with identifying the next set of companies to be offered for strategic sale. The planned disinvestment, it suggests, is still to be worked out or perhaps it will be done gradually, to ensure there isn’t much hue and cry, as trade unions are opposing the move.    

 

It has been made absolutely clear there will be few key strategic sectors and in these key segments, there will be a maximum of three or four public sector units. The Minister identified atomic energy, space, defence, transport, telecommunications, power, petroleum, coal and other minerals and banking, insurance and financial services as strategic sectors.

 

One cannot but agree that the whole private sector, not just a select few, are not as efficient as made out to be and R&D to make them innovative is virtually absent. This sector has no interest to take over loss-making public sector units with potential and is only interested in the profitable ones. Also it needs to be mentioned here that working conditions in most private sector units are not the same as in the PSUs.

 

If .one compares the banking sector, it would be found that the salary structure in private banks such as Bandhan Bank, IDFC Bank, Karnataka Bank etc. is much less than their counterparts in Public Sector Banks. Moreover, working hours are over 8 hours – at least 10 hours -- a day for private banks and non-banking financial companies. The private sector companies get the work done with fewer employees, thereby curtailing the space for increased employment generation and garnering more profits. Thus, the belief that privatisation would work wonders and help the overall economic situation, is difficult to believe.

 

One cannot deny the fact that PSUs have helped in achieving self-reliance but the recent thrust on privatisation does not augur well for the economy. One may refer to China whose economic rise has been due to its strategic use of public sector enterprises. In fact, about 100 of the Fortune 500 list are Chinese public enterprises. While around the world the tide is turning, India wants to go the other way.

 

As regards profitability, the public sector in the country scores high – net profit by profitable PSUs are Rs 1.6 lakh crore and their dividends amount to Rs 77,000 crore. The losses of loss making PSUs are just around Rs 3500 crore. Thus, from the financial standpoint, there appears no justification for privatising the PSUs. The public sector’s gross capital formation/investment (GCF) is about 24 per cent of India’s GCF.

 

There is also need to question that except a select few, the innovation potential of the private sector is poor as its R&D expenditure is much less compared to the emerging economies. As such, technology or innovation development potential being not sufficient by most private units, these have no other option but to depend on the government’s research institutions for their upgrade or modernisation.

 

Considering all this, it is indeed surprising why the government wants to go all out to privatise instead of turning around the PSUs. If, however, in a particular field, a private company can be identified to have the expertise, a 25 or 39 per cent share could be given to the latter. And this private party has to be selected with a clean and transparent record. The strategy should be tried for companies like BHEL, Container Corporation, BPCL etc. as also the two banks the government intends to fully privatise, which have not been named yet. While there is talk of Bank of Baroda and Punjab National Bank on its list, the government not coming out forthright, raises questions if the homework is not thorough.        

 

The whole economic strategy or privatisation plan being adopted is unfortunately a replica of countries of the western world or South Korea, Japan etc. But the ground situation is entirely different here. The high population density in the country, with such a large number of people entering the labour force, which included both educated and skilled professionals, calls for adoption of a different strategy. Added to this, in recent times due to agriculture being not quite remunerative, there is addition of people without employment or remain underemployed, thereby rendering the comparisons being not quite justified and rational.

.

Thus while on the one hand going all out for infrastructure development may be justified, on the other the fiscal deficit may be much more than 6.4 per cent targeted in 2021-22. But privatisation per se has to be preceded with a white paper, detailing with technical justifications for such action company-wise. Also the loss of employment has to be considered given that it is well-known that the private sector, in the name of efficiency and higher profits, will unhesitatingly reduce the work force in each unit.

 

Finally, the recent observation of Prime Minister Modi assigning to the private sector a bigger role in the economy of the country may not be off the mark, but his team must realise that it cannot and shouldn’t be by handing over the PSUs to it. Instead of privatising State properties, which the government proposes to do by offering a disinvestment package, it could instead extend all help to this sector, as it does, to create wealth. And it must remember, privatising cannot help the poor or create jobs, as Modi erroneously pointed out. An economic strategy has to be well-thought out and a roadmap discussed with all players such as experts, industrialists and bankers before taking any major step. ---INFA

(Copyright, India News & Feature Alliance)

Propaganda Politics: AGE OF ANDOLAN JEEVI, By Dr. S.Saraswathi, 11 February 2021 Print E-mail

Open Forum

New Delhi, 11 February 2021

Propaganda Politics  

Age of Andolan Jeevi

By Dr. S.Saraswathi

(Former Director, ICSSR, New Delhi)

Prime Minister Narendra Modi launched an attack on “international conspirators” who were out to discredit India by joining the propaganda against Farm Laws in support of the protesters.  Replying to the debate on the President’s address in Parliament, he referred to Foreign Destructive Ideology (his new expansion of FDI) from which the country must be saved and spoke about Andolan Jeevi (professional protesters) who were ready to join any protest.  

Union Home Minister Amit Shah has tweeted, “No propaganda can deter India’s unity…Propaganda cannot decide India’s fate, only progress can. India stands united and together to achieve progress”.  The Government is now forcibly drawn to fight a war against adverse propaganda – a situation developing in recent years and which has become rather serious ever since the BJP came to power at the Centre with majority on its own.

A strong suspicion is spreading in the country over global conspiracy to malign India, this time over the farmers’ protest. A BJP MP gave notice to Lok Sabha Speaker seeking a short-term discussion after the “toolkit” episode involving climate change teenage activist, Greta Thunberg tweeted in support of protesting farmers.

Several international environmental activists joined the tweet-plan to express solidarity with protesting Indian farmers. Some Western celebrities have circulated comments in support of the agitation which are dismissed by the  MEA as “neither accurate, nor responsible” with an advice that facts must be ascertained and a proper understanding of the issues must be undertaken before rushing to comment on issues. It is clear that comments are part of propaganda warfare which has no code of conduct or rules of the game. 

It is reported in the media that the Special Delhi Police Commissioner said that the intention of the creators of the toolkit seems to be “to create disharmony among various social, religious, and cultural groups and encourage disaffection and ill-will against the Government of India” and the aim is to wage “social, cultural, and economic war against India”.

Twitter has been asked by the government to follow its order and remove “inflammatory content” on farmers’ protest or face jail term and financial penalty. It referred to 257 accounts that had the hashtag #ModiPlanningFarmerGenocide. Internet suspension was imposed in border areas where farmer groups assembled after 26 January rally. 

The art of propaganda was known since ancient times. It is dealt with in detail in Chanakya’s   Arthashastra. Use of misinformation and rumours about the enemy is considered a powerful weapon to demoralise the enemy’s army. Extensive use of propaganda is common in religious activities for increasing strength by number and/or faith.  The material used is not questioned for its veracity, but accepted as a matter of faith.   

Modern propaganda techniques have come in extensive use in many countries including India aided by social media platforms. They have grown as powerful weapon for “peacetime” warfare to such an extent as to tarnish the image of opponents and effectively play divisive politics in many countries.

Delhi Police is reported to be monitoring many social media handles pushing hateful, malicious contents in connection with the farmers’ agitation. It will investigate whether an international conspiracy to defame the country is working.  Tracking false propaganda is an additional area of investigation for the police.

Chief Justice of India, Sharad A. Bobde, while hearing a batch of petitions regarding Tablighi Jamat congregation held during the peak COVID -19 period said that there are broadcasts and programmes that definitely have the effect of instigating people not just against one community, but any community.  The Supreme Court expressed a strong view that “control over certain kind of news which agitate people to violence and riots is a law and order problem.  Preventing it is as powerful as putting up barricades.  Preventing instigation is as important as providing lathis to policemen”.

Riot is like an epidemic that must be fought before it occurs.  Lies and rumours are its food for growth and potent weapons to disrupt peace and order. Propaganda politics helps to sharpen these instruments. 

The Supreme Court, the chief protector of rights and freedoms, has to be equally concerned about the damage that false propaganda, inflammatory speeches, and instigation to violence can cause to destroy law and order in a society.

Propaganda in politics is selective use of information for political effect. It is necessarily biased as its purpose is to influence feelings and actions. Appeal to emotional reaction rather than rational response being the intention, propaganda invariably clothed in exaggerations, whether in words or in forms, may offer promises, create fear, divide people, build false images, and discredit others.

Encyclopedia Britannica defines propaganda as dissemination of information – facts, arguments, rumours, half-truths or lies – to influence public opinion. Pre-planning or relatively heavy emphasis on manipulation distinguishes propaganda from ordinary conversation or free and easy exchange of ideas. The Encyclopedia further explains that the “propagandist deliberately selects facts, arguments, and symbols and introduces them to achieve the greatest effect. To maximize effect, he may miss essential facts or distort them and may try to divert the audience’s attention from other sources of information”.

Propaganda politics is at its peak in India today as a major tool of political parties to win popularity and defame opponents, and succeed in political manipulations.  Parties do not hesitate to do destructive propaganda in the belief that anything is fair in politics and the end justifies the means. IT cells in political parties are working in full swing preparing and disseminating propaganda material. Information Technology Act 2000 contains some provisions to prohibit misinformation, but laws are not enough.

Repetition of slogans, calling names and twisting facts are some common tactics in propaganda.  It may appeal to traditions also, make references or quote out of context, and build artificial images of persons and issues. Propagandists generally do not bother about contradicting themselves or changing their positions.  They aim at immediate advantage.

The word “propaganda” immediately raises memories of Adolf Hitler and his Ministry of Enlightenment and Propaganda under Joseph Goebbels. Successful propaganda was the foundation of his rise to power. It is powerful in psychological warfare and it usually starts as misinformation. It can cause social destruction besides physical. Usually associated with bad intentions, propaganda can affect thoughts, emotions, and actions of the receivers.

Today, almost everybody is exposed to propaganda hidden in news, and reports.  It has grown to such an extent that very soon we will stop believing even truth coming through social media. Its techniques are akin to those used in advertisements and public relations.

The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights prohibits any propaganda for war or any advocacy of national or religious hatred that constitutes incitement to discrimination, hostility, or violence by law.

Fake news and propaganda have some similarities, but have differences also. The former is falsehood, but the latter may contain some truth presented in exaggerated or distorted form with the purpose of winning friends.

People across the world are now facing the problem of distinguishing truth and propaganda. “Beware of propaganda, and seek truth” should be our slogan today.---INFA

 

(Copyright, India News & Feature Alliance)

Labour Authority: SAFEGUARDS FOR LABOUR VITAL, By Dhurjati Mukherjee, 27 January 2021 Print E-mail

Open Forum

New Delhi, 27 January 2021

Labour Authority

SAFEGUARDS FOR LABOUR VITAL  

By Dhurjati Mukherjee

Basic living wage in the event of employment loss, basic minimum social security for workers and the setting up of a Labour Authority of India as recommended by a one-man expert commission on labour is a welcome. The intent is obviously to ensure that continued deprivation and harassment of labour force should find a resolution across the country and that actions speak rather than words oft heard from successive governments.   

These are significant suggestions made by CV Ananda Bose, a former IAS officer, following the commission being set up under the Labour Ministry's Central Advisory Contract Labour Board in May 2020, to prepare an action plan for the welfare and development of guest and contract workers during the COVID-19 pandemic.

Statistics reveal that unemployment had seen a sharp increase in April and May 2020, since economic activity was halted due to the pandemic. According the Centre for Monitoring Indian Economy (CMIE) data, overall unemployment rate in the country was 23.52 per cent in April and 21.73 per cent in May. And there has been a decline in unemployment since then, after staggered reopening of the economy.

At the same time, there is a lack of specific data on migrant workers and even on unorganised employment, which requires attention. Besides, not only are the working conditions of this sector quite pathetic, going against government rules and regulations but the wages given have been found to be under the minimum wage levels in many States. Labour economists have repeatedly pointed out that exploitation of the country’s labour force has been an area of serious concern, but the authorities have done precious little to take action against those violating government rules. Also, the Central trade unions have been protesting and questioned the four Labour Codes the Union government is all set to enforce.

The commission, which went into the conditions of India’s burgeoning unorganised sector, noted that existing legal and protective frames have been inadequate to address these basic issues. But while big projects are undertaken with much fanfare, the growing fiscal deficit makes it difficult of both the Centre and States to sustain existing social security measures. Priorities continue to be misplaced and even though economists speak of the importance of social security measures, a roadmap continues to be elusive.   

It is distressing to note that those in authority are largely divorced from the ground reality, the sufferings and pangs of the poor and impoverished sections. Planning is not done keeping in mind how many people would be directly or indirectly benefitted from particular projects. Also when we speak of bringing people away from agriculture, there is no concrete plan how those displaced would get employment and rehabilitated.  

The Government’s initiative in facilitating friendly conditions to set up industries is no doubt necessary, but it must also be prepared to take action against business groups, that do not adhere to government stipulations. Sadly, that rarely is the case and exploitation of labour is no secret. Even child labour, which is illegal, goes unchecked, making a mockery of law.   

Successive governments have all along spoken of the unorganised sector and so also the trade unions, which have primarily raised demands about pay packages and other benefits. However, this sector continues to languish with very poor remuneration and virtually no social security benefits. Untimely deaths have ruined many families as no support comes their way.

Unfortunately, a concrete labour policy and its strict implementation need much to be desired, as the business community and traders have had a way of influencing government policy. At least that’s what the exploited labour, is certain of. Industry and business houses even tried to get the eight-hour working ceiling to be withdrawn so they could extract more services from labour. This obviously would be more economical than hiring the services of an additional person to the unit. 

It is understood that while the Union Ministry of Labour and Employment is giving shape to the National Employment Policy (NEP) it is necessary to prepare a broad road map to improve job opportunities in the country. It is unknown whether this committee would identify the skills or the sectors where thrust has to be given that would gear up the process of employment. However, the Code on Wages, long overdue, should set in motion a uniform wage structure. Though it is well-intentioned with an aim to balance both the employer and the employee interests, loose-ends need to be tied up.

It is also understood that the Labour Ministry would conduct surveys on migrant workers, domestic workers, employment generated by professionals and transport sector by early March 2021 and the results will be available by October 2021.The time period for the results to come will obviously delay improving the conditions of the labour, including migrant workers. A big question hangs whether the government is deliberating delaying the formulation of a wage policy for the informal sector or has too much on its plate to handle? 

If the issues to be handled by the Labour Authority are not finalised, the entire purpose of setting it up possibly makes no sense. While we may clamour for higher GDP growth at the highest centres of power and try to project India as an emerging economy, the conditions of suffering labourers at the grass-root level are indeed appalling and needs to be urgently considered. 

With labour protests in the offing, this new Authority has a vital role to mitigate the whole problem of labour is a subject that obviously concerns us. There is an imperative need to solve and mitigate problems of the growing labour force which to say the least ends up struggling. Whether it is bringing uniformity of their wage fixation, ensuring their engagement for at least 7-8 months a year or keeping an eye on business entities who want to exploit them in various ways—all need sharp focus.   

Whatever this Labour Authority may recommend, it is for the Central government to ensure that those units who falter should be strictly penalised. Secondly, working conditions and working hours should be scrutinised and remedial action be taken, as per extant rules. But it would be a tragedy, if those responsible for ensuring this are found to be corrupt or under pressure not to take action against defaulting companies. 

The final work of the Authority would be to work-out an action plan of areas that could generate employment say, in the coming two-three years. However, much depends on the spectrum of work laid out. However, there are expectations of an early decision in this crucial matter. ---INFA

(Copyright, India News & Feature Alliance)

 

 

Education Neglect: FOCUS ON RURAL INDIA VITAL, By Dhurjati Mukherjee, 20 January 2021 Print E-mail

Open Forum

New Delhi, 20 January 2021

Education Neglect

FOCUS ON RURAL INDIA VITAL

By Dhurjati Mukherjee 

The New Year calls for reversing the neglect in the education sector. Policies are framed with high sounding targets without a thorough comprehension and understanding of the ground reality at the grass-root levels, specially in backward and remote villages. Moreover, without any increase in the financial allocation in this sector, specially for providing infrastructure facilities, school education in the country is rather poor compared with the emerging economies.

The Annual Status of Education Report (ASER), 2020 published by NGO Pratham, found that enrolment in government schools has risen at the expense of private schools in the villages over the past two years. In its survey regarding the provision of and access to distance education mechanisms in rural India during COVID-19 time when schools are closed, it noted that rural school enrolment found 66.4 per cent of boys and 73 per cent of girls on the rolls of government schools – a rise of over three percentage points.

The shift from private to government schools between 2018 and 2020 may be attributed to financial distress in households and/or permanent school shutdowns among private schools. It also found that the pandemic increased the percentage of children not enrolled in schools from 4 per cent in 2018 to 5.5 per cent in 2020. This has been because many children not bothering to secure admission in Class I with schools remaining closed since late March this year

An assessment of the impact of COVID-19 pandemic on children by UNICEF covering 5773 socio-economically vulnerable families showed that one in every four mothers was not sure of their child going back to school after the pandemic. The assessment was done in seven States. The economic profile of families covered included casual workers, salaried workers and those with no jobs. Results showed that while economic situation of the families under study remain challenging, select government services improved compared with the results of Wave-I in June-July period.

The drop-out rate has been a big challenge and in the current year, this may show a significant increase. As per another data available, in 2018-19 year some success has been noticed in reducing the drop-out rate to 2.72 per cent at the elementary level and 9.74 per cent at the secondary level though the actual figures may not be encouraging. However, the gross enrolment ratio in elementary and secondary education was 91.64 per cent and 79.54 per cent respectively, as per the 75th round household survey by NSSO in 2017-18.

High dropout rates are indeed a great challenge and worse these are on the rise. Keeping the pace of imparting education to all intact, the New Education Policy 2020 aims at achieving 100 per cent gross enrolment ratio in pre-school through secondary school by 2030. Moreover, to make this a success, effective and sufficient infrastructure has to be provided and a proper roadmap is necessary.  

In tune with a perceptible change occurring in the nature of work opportunities that is manifest the world over, education also needs to undergo a transformation. There is thus a trend the world over for making education more practical and down to earth and relating it to work and employment. For a country like India, where there is excess workforce, the implementation of such a policy is all the more necessary.

Coming to the question of the much talked about subject of digital learning, it needs to be said that in State government schools attended by the mass of students, digitization i.e.  internet connection is enjoyed by only 56% according to the ASER report. The supply of all learning material, online or offline, during lockdown has been inadequate, more so in some States than in others. Nearly two-thirds of rural schoolchildren receive no material whatsoever. Many even lacked textbooks, say 65 per cent in Andhra Pradesh, and 40 per cent in Rajasthan. According to reports, even at the University of Hyderabad, over 10 per cent of students were found to lack smart but this translates to over 18 per cent which did not have proper connectivity.

As pointed out repeatedly, the allocation for education has been very poor over the last few years and, as per UNDP estimates, the total financial requirement for India to reach Sustainable Development Goals by 2030 averages $173 billion per year, far exceeding the current government budget of $76.4 billion a year for education. Government schools spend about Rs 24,000-30,000 per child per annum, while in private schools, 91 per cent of students pay lower than Rs 24,000 per annum. In contrast, the average per student expense in the US is about $13,000 per annum.

With the current regulatory structure and obsession with keeping it ostensibly clean through not-for-profit mechanisms, students are deprived of quality. “Numerous politicians and bureaucrats have expressed that the not-for-profit agenda is a charade. How can we expect institutions to invest Rs 100 crore in setting up schools and not expect a return on their capital?”, says an expert in the field.

Though from the business point of view this makes sense but education has to reach all sections of society and most of those who are yet to get proper and quality education are not in a position to pay. The government has to see the reality and act accordingly. The numerous sub-divisions and blocks need high schools and even colleges, where only a miniscule section can afford private education, send their wards there.

The thrust towards privatisation, ignoring the condition of the masses who study in government schools most of which are in a poor condition, is definitely a wrong decision taken by those who are divorced from grass-root prevailing situation in the country. While sitting in the towers at Delhi and other State capitals, the situation existing in rural schools is difficult to comprehend. Thus, the talk of digital education, which has now a sharp focus, would need to be well-thought out.    

The neglect of education in the country has is quite apparent and the obvious sufferers are the poor and the marginalised sections, who do not have proper facilities or the means for better education. This has been aptly revealed in many surveys, all of which urged the need for strict monitoring and training of teachers to take more interest in teaching and developing skills of children. Even private schools in rural areas do not impart quality teaching.

In this scenario, the problem has to be seriously considered with special focus on rural and semi-urban schools and colleges. Only announcement of national policies without any corrective action at the grass-root level will not help the cause of imparting quality education to the masses. To start with, in the ensuing Budget, more resources may be allocated for the education sector. ---INFA

(Copyright, India News & Feature Alliance)

 

Political Movements: NON-VIOLENT PROTESTS’ EFFICACY, By Dhurjati Mukherjee, 13 January 2021 Print E-mail

Open Forum

New Delhi, 13 January 2021

Political Movements

NON-VIOLENT PROTESTS’ EFFICACY

By Dhurjati Mukherjee

It is a well-known fact that society has become rather explosive and tension-ridden i.e. it is prone to violence in most parts of the Third World. The quest for material prosperity and yearning for more power and wealth, resulting in poverty and squalor along with ever rising inequality and a deep sense of despair and frustration of a major section of the population in these countries, including India, may be considered the major factors that have made the social climate violent. But it is also a fact that non-violent movements have been witnessed and these have successfully raised national concerns.

It is thus quite apparent that political protests have been rampant due to unjust policies adopted by the ruling dispensation and viewed by some as anti-people and an encroachment of their rights. The question that needs to be analysed is whether such protests or movements are non-violent in character. This is most important in the land of Mahatma Gandhi who gave the concept of non-violence and Satyagrah to the world, which succeeded in India gaining independence. The ongoing sustained agitation of farmers, for one, has so far proved the efficacy of non-violent agitation against the brute force of the State. 

Delving into the issue of violence, it may be said to be fundamentally a primitive animal instinct. However, the manifestations of violence have become wider, possibly with the diversification of the urges of man for freedom, for establishing his viewpoint and a sense of belonging. Former Prime Minister Chandra Shekhar had observed: “Men have been fighting for freedom since the beginning of humanity. Similarly, he has also been striving to get recognition and he gets a sense of exaltation if he is able to contribute to the human achievement. Deprived of this opportunity, he is bound to be rebellious against the social system, which deprives him from this favour”.   

According to Mahatma Gandhi’s definition, violence can be ascribed to exploitation. The centralised bureaucracies, large organisations, monoliths of industry and business all combine together to unleash violence amongst the people. However, the establishment may be passive and concerned with the welfare and well-being of the people and may not have an exploitative tendency; still the concentration of power cannot be beneficial for real development to take place.

Prof. Sugata Dasgupta, a well-known Gandhian scholar, aptly pointed out: “The establishment exploits and since all exploitation hurts, the violence of exploitation too hurts all concerned . . . . In short, the violence of establishment spills blood, as such a dagger or a gun does; the only difference being that this violence is not seen and often unrecognised and unaccounted for.”   

One may recall here the towering leadership of Jayaprakash Narayan and his movement called ‘Total Revolution’ that brought Opposition political parties together on a common platform. This movement connected disparate student movements in Gujarat and Bihar and melded it with the grievances of farmers and workers, thereby giving it a national character. It must be noted that an uplifting political vision does not mean an exact political programme. JP’s ‘Total Revolution’ – a mix of democratic decentralisation and corruption-free governance – was vague enough to attract a broad swath of the population while being inspiring enough to energise people into anti-government action.

Recently, the anti-Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) protests, although they were forthright in their ideological challenge to the government, were largely unsuccessful in expanding beyond minority-dominated spaces and, hence, at no point did they threaten the political calculations of the government. In both cases, as experts pointed out, the protests remained confined to their particular constituencies because of an absence of leadership. Thus, it may be stated that the Opposition political parties have singularly failed to capitalise on the government’s failures and the resulting undercurrent of resentment have ceded space to civil society organisations.

However, it has to be agreed that the anti-CAA protests (from December 2019 to February 2020) were a truly democratic upsurge spearheaded by women and students who stepped forward to reclaim the country’s egalitarian essence. The Preamble, the national flag and the national anthem were the overarching symbols of this mass movement. The unexpected solidarity across class and community rattled the government, which attacked anti-CAA protesters as anti-national, fanning anarchy and endangering the rule of law.

One may mention here that draconian laws such as the NSA and the UAPA have been used with devastating effect to stifle dissent. The transformation of the peaceful anti-CAA protests into a ‘secessionist’ movement propagating ‘armed rebellion’, as portrayed in the police charge sheets on the Delhi riots, is Kafkaesque in its distortion.

Most Opposition parties acquiesced to the larger ideological framework of the BJP and are too timid to mount a serious ideological challenge. These recurring protests are an outcome of the contradictions in the ruling party’s system of dominance; yet there is no political leader of JP’s stature who has the skill, credibility and acceptability to convincingly articulate how these contradictions lie into each other, formulate an alternative political vision and build a sustained political movement based on it.

At the same time, the recent sustained protests by the farming community are testimony to the fact that even without a strong personality to lead protest movements, the issues has equal importance. This is well manifest from the farm protests led by peasants from Punjab, Haryana, eastern Uttar Pradesh and also other States where the subject can be considered to have national appeal, as the farmers fear the business groups subverting their interests and livelihood. The movement has managed to get a national character as experts have opined that the government had no constitutional right to legislate on agricultural marketing since it happened to be a State subject.

Political protests and movements are bound to continue in a democratic polity though the ruling dispensation would try to break these peoples’ demands by unethical means, as happened in India during the CAA agitation and now the farmers’ stir.  Moreover, while non-violence is the preferred mode, and this is desirable, these agitations are being handled by a brute police force of the State that very often resorts to violence. 

Therefore though there have many obstacles to democratic functioning, protests have emerged in the country from time to time, and quite successfully, to voice concerns against policy issues. The strength and resilience of the people in India needs to be appreciated as they have organised protests, both at the State level as also nationally in spite of a brutal police force and administration. The blessings of Mahatma Gandhi, Dr. Martin Luther King and many others have possibly imbued the masses to fearlessly stand up in protest.  ---INFA

(Copyright, India News & Feature Alliance)

 

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