|
|
|
|
|
|
Events and Issues
Privatisation Spree: NO ANSWER FOR PROGRESS, By Dhurjati Mukherjee, 17 February, 2021 |
|
|
Open Forum
New Delhi, 17 February
2021
Privatisation Spree
NO ANSWER FOR
PROGRESS
By Dhurjati Mukherjee
It’s one thing to
announce plans and targets and another to have a roadmap to ensure these are
achieved. Every year the government charts out goals in its Budget, however,
the big question is whether there are enough resources in the kitty and the
realisation that any shortfall would obviously lead to targets being partially
fulfilled. Over successive years, a thorough homework has been seen to be
missing!
In the recent Budget too,
the spending spree and the emphasis on infrastructure development was widely
hailed, but few raised questions about how resources would be actually raised to
achieve the target. At the same time, another important challenge facing the
country presently is of generating employment, which in the current scenario of
encouraging capital intensive industries, to achieve economies of scale, may be
extremely difficult to achieve to the required extent.
Coming to the privatisation
strategy of the government announced by Finance Minister Sitharaman, the
decision is to reduce the number of public sector undertakings in non-core
sectors to just around two dozen from over 300 at present by handing over most
to corporate houses and shuttling down loss-making enterprises. The final
number would be decided by the Union Cabinet based on recommendations by NITI
Aayog, which has been tasked with identifying the next set of companies to be
offered for strategic sale. The planned disinvestment, it suggests, is still to
be worked out or perhaps it will be done gradually, to ensure there isn’t much
hue and cry, as trade unions are opposing the move.
It has been made
absolutely clear there will be few key strategic sectors and in these key
segments, there will be a maximum of three or four public sector units. The Minister
identified atomic energy, space, defence, transport, telecommunications, power,
petroleum, coal and other minerals and banking, insurance and financial
services as strategic sectors.
One cannot but agree
that the whole private sector, not just a select few, are not as efficient as
made out to be and R&D to make them innovative is virtually absent. This
sector has no interest to take over loss-making public sector units with
potential and is only interested in the profitable ones. Also it needs to be
mentioned here that working conditions in most private sector units are not the
same as in the PSUs.
If .one compares the
banking sector, it would be found that the salary structure in private banks
such as Bandhan Bank, IDFC Bank, Karnataka Bank etc. is much less than their
counterparts in Public Sector Banks. Moreover, working hours are over 8 hours –
at least 10 hours -- a day for private banks and non-banking financial
companies. The private sector companies get the work done with fewer employees,
thereby curtailing the space for increased employment generation and garnering
more profits. Thus, the belief that privatisation would work wonders and help
the overall economic situation, is difficult to believe.
One cannot deny the
fact that PSUs have helped in achieving self-reliance but the recent thrust on
privatisation does not augur well for the economy. One may refer to China whose
economic rise has been due to its strategic use of public sector enterprises.
In fact, about 100 of the Fortune 500 list are Chinese public enterprises.
While around the world the tide is turning, India wants to go the other way.
As regards
profitability, the public sector in the country scores high – net profit by
profitable PSUs are Rs 1.6 lakh crore and their dividends amount to Rs 77,000
crore. The losses of loss making PSUs are just around Rs 3500 crore. Thus, from
the financial standpoint, there appears no justification for privatising the
PSUs. The public sector’s gross capital formation/investment (GCF) is about 24
per cent of India’s GCF.
There is also need to
question that except a select few, the innovation potential of the private
sector is poor as its R&D expenditure is much less compared to the emerging
economies. As such, technology or innovation development potential being not sufficient
by most private units, these have no other option but to depend on the
government’s research institutions for their upgrade or modernisation.
Considering all this,
it is indeed surprising why the government wants to go all out to privatise instead
of turning around the PSUs. If, however, in a particular field, a private
company can be identified to have the expertise, a 25 or 39 per cent share
could be given to the latter. And this private party has to be selected with a
clean and transparent record. The strategy should be tried for companies like
BHEL, Container Corporation, BPCL etc. as also the two banks the government
intends to fully privatise, which have not been named yet. While there is talk
of Bank of Baroda and Punjab National Bank on its list, the government not
coming out forthright, raises questions if the homework is not thorough.
The whole economic
strategy or privatisation plan being adopted is unfortunately a replica of
countries of the western world or South Korea, Japan etc. But the ground
situation is entirely different here. The high population density in the
country, with such a large number of people entering the labour force, which
included both educated and skilled professionals, calls for adoption of a
different strategy. Added to this, in recent times due to agriculture being not
quite remunerative, there is addition of people without employment or remain
underemployed, thereby rendering the comparisons being not quite justified and
rational.
.
Thus while on the one
hand going all out for infrastructure development may be justified, on the
other the fiscal deficit may be much more than 6.4 per cent targeted in
2021-22. But privatisation per se has to be preceded with a white paper,
detailing with technical justifications for such action company-wise. Also the
loss of employment has to be considered given that it is well-known that the
private sector, in the name of efficiency and higher profits, will unhesitatingly
reduce the work force in each unit.
Finally, the recent
observation of Prime Minister Modi assigning to the private sector a bigger
role in the economy of the country may not be off the mark, but his team must
realise that it cannot and shouldn’t be by handing over the PSUs to it. Instead
of privatising State properties, which the government proposes to do by
offering a disinvestment package, it could instead extend all help to this
sector, as it does, to create wealth. And it must remember, privatising cannot
help the poor or create jobs, as Modi erroneously pointed out. An economic
strategy has to be well-thought out and a roadmap discussed with all players
such as experts, industrialists and bankers before taking any major step. ---INFA
(Copyright, India
News & Feature Alliance)
|
|
Propaganda Politics: AGE OF ANDOLAN JEEVI, By Dr. S.Saraswathi, 11 February 2021 |
|
|
Open
Forum
New Delhi, 11 February 2021
Propaganda Politics
Age
of Andolan Jeevi
By Dr. S.Saraswathi
(Former Director,
ICSSR, New Delhi)
Prime Minister Narendra Modi launched an
attack on “international conspirators” who were out to discredit India by
joining the propaganda against Farm Laws in support of the protesters. Replying to the debate on the President’s
address in Parliament, he referred to Foreign Destructive Ideology (his new
expansion of FDI) from which the country must be saved and spoke about Andolan
Jeevi (professional protesters) who were ready to join any protest.
Union Home Minister Amit Shah has tweeted,
“No propaganda can deter India’s unity…Propaganda cannot decide India’s fate,
only progress can. India stands united and together to achieve progress”. The Government is now forcibly drawn to fight
a war against adverse propaganda – a situation developing in recent years and
which has become rather serious ever since the BJP came to power at the Centre
with majority on its own.
A strong suspicion is spreading in the
country over global conspiracy to malign India, this time over the farmers’
protest. A BJP MP gave notice to Lok Sabha Speaker seeking a short-term
discussion after the “toolkit” episode involving climate change teenage
activist, Greta Thunberg tweeted in support of protesting farmers.
Several international environmental activists
joined the tweet-plan to express solidarity with protesting Indian farmers.
Some Western celebrities have circulated comments in support of the agitation which
are dismissed by the MEA as “neither
accurate, nor responsible” with an advice that facts must be ascertained and a
proper understanding of the issues must be undertaken before rushing to comment
on issues. It is clear that comments are part of propaganda warfare which has
no code of conduct or rules of the game.
It is reported in the media that the Special Delhi
Police Commissioner said that the intention of the creators of the toolkit
seems to be “to create disharmony among various social, religious, and cultural
groups and encourage disaffection and ill-will against the Government of India”
and the aim is to wage “social, cultural, and economic war against India”.
Twitter has been asked by the government to
follow its order and remove “inflammatory content” on farmers’ protest or face
jail term and financial penalty. It referred to 257 accounts that had the
hashtag #ModiPlanningFarmerGenocide. Internet suspension was imposed in border
areas where farmer groups assembled after 26 January rally.
The art of propaganda was known since ancient
times. It is dealt with in detail in Chanakya’s Arthashastra.
Use of misinformation and rumours about the enemy is considered a powerful
weapon to demoralise the enemy’s army. Extensive use of propaganda is common in
religious activities for increasing strength by number and/or faith. The material used is not questioned for its
veracity, but accepted as a matter of faith.
Modern propaganda techniques have come in
extensive use in many countries including India aided by social media
platforms. They have grown as powerful weapon for “peacetime” warfare to such
an extent as to tarnish the image of opponents and effectively play divisive
politics in many countries.
Delhi Police is reported to be monitoring many
social media handles pushing hateful, malicious contents in connection with the
farmers’ agitation. It will investigate whether an international conspiracy to
defame the country is working. Tracking false
propaganda is an additional area of investigation for the police.
Chief Justice of India, Sharad A. Bobde,
while hearing a batch of petitions regarding Tablighi Jamat congregation held
during the peak COVID -19 period said that there are broadcasts and programmes
that definitely have the effect of instigating people not just against one
community, but any community. The
Supreme Court expressed a strong view that “control over certain kind of news
which agitate people to violence and riots is a law and order problem. Preventing it is as powerful as putting up
barricades. Preventing instigation is as
important as providing lathis to policemen”.
Riot is like an epidemic that must be fought
before it occurs. Lies and rumours are
its food for growth and potent weapons to disrupt peace and order. Propaganda
politics helps to sharpen these instruments.
The Supreme Court, the chief protector of
rights and freedoms, has to be equally concerned about the damage that false
propaganda, inflammatory speeches, and instigation to violence can cause to
destroy law and order in a society.
Propaganda in politics is selective use of
information for political effect. It is necessarily biased as its purpose is to
influence feelings and actions. Appeal to emotional reaction rather than
rational response being the intention, propaganda invariably clothed in
exaggerations, whether in words or in forms, may offer promises, create fear, divide
people, build false images, and discredit others.
Encyclopedia Britannica defines propaganda as
dissemination of information – facts, arguments, rumours, half-truths or lies –
to influence public opinion. Pre-planning or relatively heavy emphasis on
manipulation distinguishes propaganda from ordinary conversation or free and
easy exchange of ideas. The Encyclopedia further explains that the
“propagandist deliberately selects facts, arguments, and symbols and introduces
them to achieve the greatest effect. To maximize effect, he may miss essential
facts or distort them and may try to divert the audience’s attention from other
sources of information”.
Propaganda politics is at its peak in India
today as a major tool of political parties to win popularity and defame
opponents, and succeed in political manipulations. Parties do not hesitate to do destructive
propaganda in the belief that anything is fair in politics and the end justifies
the means. IT cells in political parties are working in full swing preparing
and disseminating propaganda material. Information Technology Act 2000 contains
some provisions to prohibit misinformation, but laws are not enough.
Repetition of slogans, calling names and twisting
facts are some common tactics in propaganda.
It may appeal to traditions also, make references or quote out of
context, and build artificial images of persons and issues. Propagandists
generally do not bother about contradicting themselves or changing their
positions. They aim at immediate
advantage.
The word “propaganda” immediately raises
memories of Adolf Hitler and his Ministry of Enlightenment and Propaganda under
Joseph Goebbels. Successful propaganda was the foundation of his rise to power.
It is powerful in psychological warfare and it usually starts as
misinformation. It can cause social destruction besides physical. Usually
associated with bad intentions, propaganda can affect thoughts, emotions, and
actions of the receivers.
Today, almost everybody is exposed to
propaganda hidden in news, and reports.
It has grown to such an extent that very soon we will stop believing
even truth coming through social media. Its techniques are akin to those used
in advertisements and public relations.
The International Covenant on Civil and
Political Rights prohibits any propaganda for war or any advocacy of national
or religious hatred that constitutes incitement to discrimination, hostility,
or violence by law.
Fake news and propaganda have some
similarities, but have differences also. The former is falsehood, but the
latter may contain some truth presented in exaggerated or distorted form with
the purpose of winning friends.
People across the world are now facing the
problem of distinguishing truth and propaganda. “Beware of propaganda, and seek
truth” should be our slogan today.---INFA
(Copyright, India News & Feature
Alliance)
|
|
Labour Authority: SAFEGUARDS FOR LABOUR VITAL, By Dhurjati Mukherjee, 27 January 2021 |
|
|
Open Forum
New Delhi, 27 January
2021
Labour Authority
SAFEGUARDS FOR LABOUR VITAL
By Dhurjati Mukherjee
Basic living wage in
the event of employment loss, basic minimum social security for workers and the
setting up of a Labour Authority of India as recommended by a one-man expert
commission on labour is a welcome. The intent is obviously to ensure that continued
deprivation and harassment of labour force should find a resolution across the
country and that actions speak rather than words oft heard from successive
governments.
These are significant
suggestions made by CV Ananda Bose, a former IAS officer, following the commission
being set up under the Labour Ministry's Central Advisory Contract Labour Board
in May 2020, to prepare an action plan for the welfare and development of guest
and contract workers during the COVID-19 pandemic.
Statistics reveal
that unemployment had seen a sharp increase in April and May 2020, since
economic activity was halted due to the pandemic. According the Centre for
Monitoring Indian Economy (CMIE) data, overall unemployment rate in the country
was 23.52 per cent in April and 21.73 per cent in May. And there has been a decline
in unemployment since then, after staggered reopening of the economy.
At the same time, there
is a lack of specific data on migrant workers and even on unorganised employment,
which requires attention. Besides, not only are the working conditions of this
sector quite pathetic, going against government rules and regulations but the
wages given have been found to be under the minimum wage levels in many States.
Labour economists have repeatedly pointed out that exploitation of the
country’s labour force has been an area of serious concern, but the authorities
have done precious little to take action against those violating government
rules. Also, the Central trade unions have been protesting and questioned the four
Labour Codes the Union government is all set to enforce.
The commission, which
went into the conditions of India’s burgeoning unorganised sector, noted that
existing legal and protective frames have been inadequate to address these basic
issues. But while big projects are undertaken with much fanfare, the growing
fiscal deficit makes it difficult of both the Centre and States to sustain
existing social security measures. Priorities continue to be misplaced and even
though economists speak of the importance of social security measures, a roadmap
continues to be elusive.
It is distressing to
note that those in authority are largely divorced from the ground reality, the
sufferings and pangs of the poor and impoverished sections. Planning is not
done keeping in mind how many people would be directly or indirectly benefitted
from particular projects. Also when we speak of bringing people away from
agriculture, there is no concrete plan how those displaced would get employment
and rehabilitated.
The Government’s initiative
in facilitating friendly conditions to set up industries is no doubt necessary,
but it must also be prepared to take action against business groups, that do
not adhere to government stipulations. Sadly, that rarely is the case and exploitation
of labour is no secret. Even child labour, which is illegal, goes unchecked,
making a mockery of law.
Successive
governments have all along spoken of the unorganised sector and so also the trade
unions, which have primarily raised demands about pay packages and other benefits.
However, this sector continues to languish with very poor remuneration and
virtually no social security benefits. Untimely deaths have ruined many
families as no support comes their way.
Unfortunately, a
concrete labour policy and its strict implementation need much to be desired,
as the business community and traders have had a way of influencing government
policy. At least that’s what the exploited labour, is certain of. Industry and
business houses even tried to get the eight-hour working ceiling to be
withdrawn so they could extract more services from labour. This obviously would
be more economical than hiring the services of an additional person to the
unit.
It is understood that
while the Union Ministry of Labour and Employment is giving shape to the
National Employment Policy (NEP) it is necessary to prepare a broad road map to
improve job opportunities in the country. It is unknown whether this committee
would identify the skills or the sectors where thrust has to be given that
would gear up the process of employment. However, the Code on Wages, long
overdue, should set in motion a uniform wage structure. Though it is well-intentioned
with an aim to balance both the employer and the employee interests, loose-ends
need to be tied up.
It is also understood
that the Labour Ministry would conduct surveys on migrant workers, domestic
workers, employment generated by professionals and transport sector by early
March 2021 and the results will be available by October 2021.The time period for
the results to come will obviously delay improving the conditions of the
labour, including migrant workers. A big question hangs whether the government
is deliberating delaying the formulation of a wage policy for the informal
sector or has too much on its plate to handle?
If the issues to be
handled by the Labour Authority are not finalised, the entire purpose of
setting it up possibly makes no sense. While we may clamour for higher GDP
growth at the highest centres of power and try to project India as an emerging
economy, the conditions of suffering labourers at the grass-root level are indeed
appalling and needs to be urgently considered.
With labour protests
in the offing, this new Authority has a vital role to mitigate the whole
problem of labour is a subject that obviously concerns us. There is an
imperative need to solve and mitigate problems of the growing labour force which
to say the least ends up struggling. Whether it is bringing uniformity of their
wage fixation, ensuring their engagement for at least 7-8 months a year or keeping
an eye on business entities who want to exploit them in various ways—all need
sharp focus.
Whatever this Labour
Authority may recommend, it is for the Central government to ensure that those
units who falter should be strictly penalised. Secondly, working conditions and
working hours should be scrutinised and remedial action be taken, as per extant
rules. But it would be a tragedy, if those responsible for ensuring this are
found to be corrupt or under pressure not to take action against defaulting
companies.
The final work of the
Authority would be to work-out an action plan of areas that could generate
employment say, in the coming two-three years. However, much depends on the
spectrum of work laid out. However, there are expectations of an early decision
in this crucial matter. ---INFA
(Copyright, India
News & Feature Alliance)
|
|
Education Neglect: FOCUS ON RURAL INDIA VITAL, By Dhurjati Mukherjee, 20 January 2021 |
|
|
Open
Forum
New Delhi, 20 January 2021
Education Neglect
FOCUS ON RURAL INDIA
VITAL
By Dhurjati Mukherjee
The New Year calls for reversing the neglect
in the education sector. Policies are framed with high sounding targets without
a thorough comprehension and understanding of the ground reality at the
grass-root levels, specially in backward and remote villages. Moreover, without
any increase in the financial allocation in this sector, specially for
providing infrastructure facilities, school education in the country is rather poor
compared with the emerging economies.
The Annual Status of Education Report (ASER),
2020 published by NGO Pratham, found that enrolment in government schools has
risen at the expense of private schools in the villages over the past two
years. In its survey regarding the provision of and access to distance
education mechanisms in rural India during COVID-19 time when schools are
closed, it noted that rural school enrolment found 66.4 per cent of boys and 73
per cent of girls on the rolls of government schools – a
rise of over three percentage points.
The shift from private to government schools
between 2018 and 2020 may be attributed to financial distress in households
and/or permanent school shutdowns among private schools. It also found that the
pandemic increased the percentage of children not enrolled in schools from 4
per cent in 2018 to 5.5 per cent in 2020. This has been because many children
not bothering to secure admission in Class I with schools remaining closed
since late March this year
An assessment of the impact of COVID-19
pandemic on children by UNICEF covering 5773 socio-economically vulnerable
families showed that one in every four mothers was not sure of their child
going back to school after the pandemic. The assessment was done in seven
States. The economic profile of families covered included casual workers, salaried
workers and those with no jobs. Results showed that while economic situation of
the families under study remain challenging, select government services
improved compared with the results of Wave-I in June-July period.
The drop-out rate has been a big challenge
and in the current year, this may show a significant increase. As per another data
available, in 2018-19 year some success has been noticed in reducing the
drop-out rate to 2.72 per cent at the elementary level and 9.74 per cent at the
secondary level though the actual figures may not be encouraging. However, the
gross enrolment ratio in elementary and secondary education was 91.64 per cent
and 79.54 per cent respectively, as per the 75th round household
survey by NSSO in 2017-18.
High dropout rates are indeed a great
challenge and worse these are on the rise. Keeping the pace of imparting
education to all intact, the New Education Policy 2020 aims at achieving 100
per cent gross enrolment ratio in
pre-school through secondary school by 2030. Moreover, to make this a success,
effective and sufficient
infrastructure has to be provided and a proper roadmap is necessary.
In tune with a perceptible change occurring
in the nature of work opportunities that is manifest the world over, education
also needs to undergo a transformation. There is thus a trend the world over
for making education more practical and down to earth and relating it to work
and employment. For a country like India, where there is excess workforce, the
implementation of such a policy is all the more necessary.
Coming to the question of the much talked
about subject of digital learning, it needs to be said that in State
government schools attended by the mass of students, digitization i.e. internet connection is enjoyed by only 56%
according to the ASER report. The supply of all learning material, online or
offline, during lockdown has been inadequate, more so in some States than in
others. Nearly two-thirds of rural schoolchildren receive no
material whatsoever. Many even lacked textbooks, say 65 per cent in Andhra
Pradesh, and 40 per cent in Rajasthan. According to reports, even at the
University of Hyderabad, over 10 per cent of students were found to lack smart
but this translates to over 18 per cent which did not have proper connectivity.
As pointed out repeatedly, the allocation for education has been very
poor over the last few years and, as per UNDP estimates, the total financial
requirement for India to reach Sustainable Development Goals by 2030 averages
$173 billion per year, far exceeding the current government budget of $76.4
billion a year for education. Government schools spend about Rs 24,000-30,000
per child per annum, while in private schools, 91 per cent of students pay
lower than Rs 24,000 per annum. In contrast, the average per student expense
in the US is about $13,000 per annum.
With the current regulatory structure and
obsession with keeping it ostensibly clean through not-for-profit mechanisms,
students are deprived of quality. “Numerous politicians and bureaucrats have
expressed that the not-for-profit agenda is a charade. How can we expect
institutions to invest Rs 100 crore in setting up schools and not expect a
return on their capital?”, says an expert in the field.
Though from the business point of view this
makes sense but education has to reach all sections of society and most of
those who are yet to get proper and quality education are not in a position to
pay. The government has to see the reality and act accordingly. The numerous
sub-divisions and blocks need high schools and even colleges, where only a
miniscule section can afford private education, send their wards there.
The thrust towards privatisation, ignoring
the condition of the masses who study in government schools most of which are
in a poor condition, is definitely a wrong decision taken by those who are
divorced from grass-root prevailing situation in the country. While sitting in
the towers at Delhi and other State capitals, the situation existing in rural schools
is difficult to comprehend. Thus, the talk of digital education, which has now
a sharp focus, would need to be well-thought out.
The neglect of education in the country has is
quite apparent and the obvious sufferers are the poor and the marginalised
sections, who do not have proper facilities or the means for better education.
This has been aptly revealed in many surveys, all of which urged the need for
strict monitoring and training of teachers to take more interest in teaching
and developing skills of children. Even private schools in rural areas do not
impart quality teaching.
In this scenario, the problem has to be
seriously considered with special focus on rural and semi-urban schools and
colleges. Only announcement of national policies without any corrective action
at the grass-root level will not help the cause of imparting quality education
to the masses. To start with, in the ensuing Budget, more resources may be
allocated for the education sector. ---INFA
(Copyright, India
News & Feature Alliance)
|
|
Political Movements: NON-VIOLENT PROTESTS’ EFFICACY, By Dhurjati Mukherjee, 13 January 2021 |
|
|
Open Forum
New Delhi, 13 January
2021
Political Movements
NON-VIOLENT PROTESTS’ EFFICACY
By Dhurjati Mukherjee
It is a well-known
fact that society has become rather explosive and tension-ridden i.e. it is
prone to violence in most parts of the Third World. The quest for material
prosperity and yearning for more power and wealth, resulting in poverty and
squalor along with ever rising inequality and a deep sense of despair and
frustration of a major section of the population in these countries, including
India, may be considered the major factors that have made the social climate
violent. But it is also a fact that non-violent movements have been witnessed
and these have successfully raised national concerns.
It is thus quite
apparent that political protests have been rampant due to unjust policies
adopted by the ruling dispensation and viewed by some as anti-people and an
encroachment of their rights. The question that needs to be analysed is whether
such protests or movements are non-violent in character. This is most important
in the land of Mahatma Gandhi who gave the concept of non-violence and
Satyagrah to the world, which succeeded in India gaining independence. The
ongoing sustained agitation of farmers, for one, has so far proved the efficacy
of non-violent agitation against the brute force of the State.
Delving into the
issue of violence, it may be said to be fundamentally a primitive animal
instinct. However, the manifestations of violence have become wider, possibly
with the diversification of the urges of man for freedom, for establishing his
viewpoint and a sense of belonging. Former Prime Minister Chandra Shekhar had
observed: “Men have been fighting for freedom since the beginning of humanity.
Similarly, he has also been striving to get recognition and he gets a sense of
exaltation if he is able to contribute to the human achievement. Deprived of
this opportunity, he is bound to be rebellious against the social system, which
deprives him from this favour”.
According to Mahatma
Gandhi’s definition, violence can be ascribed to exploitation. The centralised
bureaucracies, large organisations, monoliths of industry and business all
combine together to unleash violence amongst the people. However, the
establishment may be passive and concerned with the welfare and well-being of
the people and may not have an exploitative tendency; still the concentration
of power cannot be beneficial for real development to take place.
Prof. Sugata
Dasgupta, a well-known Gandhian scholar, aptly pointed out: “The establishment
exploits and since all exploitation hurts, the violence of exploitation too
hurts all concerned . . . . In short, the violence of establishment spills
blood, as such a dagger or a gun does; the only difference being that this
violence is not seen and often unrecognised and unaccounted for.”
One may recall here
the towering leadership of Jayaprakash Narayan and his movement called ‘Total
Revolution’ that brought Opposition political parties together on a common
platform. This movement connected disparate student movements in Gujarat and
Bihar and melded it with the grievances of farmers and workers, thereby giving
it a national character. It must be noted that an uplifting political vision
does not mean an exact political programme. JP’s ‘Total Revolution’ – a mix of
democratic decentralisation and corruption-free governance – was vague enough
to attract a broad swath of the population while being inspiring enough to
energise people into anti-government action.
Recently, the anti-Citizenship
Amendment Act (CAA) protests, although they were forthright in their
ideological challenge to the government, were largely unsuccessful in expanding
beyond minority-dominated spaces and, hence, at no point did they threaten the
political calculations of the government. In both cases, as experts pointed
out, the protests remained confined to their particular constituencies because
of an absence of leadership. Thus, it may be stated that the Opposition
political parties have singularly failed to capitalise on the government’s
failures and the resulting undercurrent of resentment have ceded space to civil
society organisations.
However, it has to be
agreed that the anti-CAA protests (from December 2019 to February 2020) were a
truly democratic upsurge spearheaded by women and students who stepped forward
to reclaim the country’s egalitarian essence. The Preamble, the national flag
and the national anthem were the overarching symbols of this mass movement. The
unexpected solidarity across class and community rattled the government, which
attacked anti-CAA protesters as anti-national, fanning anarchy and endangering
the rule of law.
One may mention here
that draconian laws such as the NSA and the UAPA have been used with
devastating effect to stifle dissent. The transformation of the peaceful
anti-CAA protests into a ‘secessionist’ movement propagating ‘armed rebellion’,
as portrayed in the police charge sheets on the Delhi riots, is Kafkaesque in
its distortion.
Most Opposition
parties acquiesced to the larger ideological framework of the BJP and are too
timid to mount a serious ideological challenge. These recurring protests are an
outcome of the contradictions in the ruling party’s system of dominance; yet
there is no political leader of JP’s stature who has the skill, credibility and
acceptability to convincingly articulate how these contradictions lie into each
other, formulate an alternative political vision and build a sustained
political movement based on it.
At the same time, the
recent sustained protests by the farming community are testimony to the fact
that even without a strong personality to lead protest movements, the issues
has equal importance. This is well manifest from the farm protests led by
peasants from Punjab, Haryana, eastern Uttar Pradesh and also other States
where the subject can be considered to have national appeal, as the farmers fear
the business groups subverting their interests and livelihood. The movement has
managed to get a national character as experts have opined that the government
had no constitutional right to legislate on agricultural marketing since it
happened to be a State subject.
Political protests
and movements are bound to continue in a democratic polity though the ruling
dispensation would try to break these peoples’ demands by unethical means, as
happened in India during the CAA agitation and now the farmers’ stir. Moreover, while non-violence is the preferred
mode, and this is desirable, these agitations are being handled by a brute
police force of the State that very often resorts to violence.
Therefore though
there have many obstacles to democratic functioning, protests have emerged in
the country from time to time, and quite successfully, to voice concerns
against policy issues. The strength and resilience of the people in India needs
to be appreciated as they have organised protests, both at the State level as
also nationally in spite of a brutal police force and administration. The
blessings of Mahatma Gandhi, Dr. Martin Luther King and many others have
possibly imbued the masses to fearlessly stand up in protest. ---INFA
(Copyright, India
News & Feature Alliance)
|
|
| | << Start < Previous 101 102 103 104 105 106 107 108 109 110 Next > End >>
| Results 937 - 945 of 6004 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|