Political Diary

New Delhi, 28 January 2026

Politics Of Padma Awards

OF PEOPLE & FOR PEOPLE

By Poonam I Kaushish

Prestige and honour vs darbari politics? Come Republic Day 26 January eve Padma Awards are grandiosely presented as a celebration of excellence. Many applaud, some sulk and the Opposition criticize triggering a political backlash, with Parties accusing Modi Government of turning national honours into a tool of political signalling. Whereby, the increased tu-tu-mein-mein by our netagan  yet again puts a question mark on the civilian Roll of Honour. 

Like prestigious State honours worldwide, Padma awards have always had a political angle and a national facet --- and this year is no different. At first glance, Government seems to have made a genuine effort to look ideologically inclusive. Names associated with rival political traditions and sharp critics feature on the list. But a closer look suggests that this inclusivity is carefully curated and politically safe. 

By bestowing Padma Vibhushans across the political spectrum to CPM founding leader and ex-Kerala Chief Minister Achuthanandan and JMM patriarch Shibu Soren marks an exciting turn in Opposition politics, and possibly allows a senior Communist leader to be felicitated for the first time in decades. Both leaders’ families have welcomed the awards. 

The symbolism is authoritative, yet risk free. There is no possibility of refusal, no chance of a speech that challenges the State, no discomfort for Government. The honour allows it to claim moral breadth while ensuring total narrative control. Their political legacy matters in regions where BJP is trying to expand its footprint.

And like every year, they also reveal something deeper about how power seeks legitimacy. The 2026 list is no different. In fact, it is a textbook example of what can be called the politics of recognition. 

Three of five laureates who received Padma Vibhushan hail from Kerala, a State that goes to polls this summer and where BJP has never gained more than a toehold, as does Tamil Nadu and West Bengal which too votes mid-year have netted 13 awards and 11. 

Opposition angst against “election engineering” is understandable as many who feature as awardees hail from communities and regions which might play a crucial role in upcoming polls to maximise political visibility. Think. These three States which total 18% of India’s population secured 37% awards, reinforcing allegations of a political quota. Of five Padma Vibhushans, three have gone to Kerala public figures.

The fiercest reaction, however, has come from Maharashtra which delivered a blockbuster victory to NDA recently and was suitably rewarded with 15 awards. Padma Bhushan for former Governor Koshyari has reopened old political wounds. His 2019-2023 tenure was marked by controversy over swearing-in the Fadnavis Government in 2019 and remarks on Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj and social reformer Jyotiba Phule.

Friend-turned-bitter foe Thackeray’s Shiv Sena dubbed it “insult to Maharashtra,” alleging Centre had rewarded a person who had demeaned State’s icons and Constitutional values. Even as Koshyari identifying himself as a RSS worker dismissed criticism. “I do not work for anyone’s appreciation or criticism.” 

The list also includes many people who were ideologically aligned to the ruling dispensation: RSS’s P Narayanan, 90, State Convener of Swadeshi Jagran Manch in Kerala and Natesan, a backward Hindu Ezhava community leader and General Secretary of Sree Narayana Dharma Paripalana Yogam who has faced frequent backlash over anti-Muslim remarks and calling for Hindu unity awarded Padma Vibhushans.   

Beyond the political messaging, the awards are also important for unsung heroes, ordinary Indians who have made extraordinary, if somewhat little-known, contributions to public life. Grassroots workers from tribal belts or remote regions are elevated as the new face of Padma Awards. This is laudable.

Like the neonatologist who established Asia’s first human milk bank, a former bus conductor who set up India’s largest free books and journals library, an ex-railway guard who became a distinguished Dalit author, a guardian of Bundelkhand marital folk traditions, a Karbi folk singer, a painter who revitalized a 3000-year-old art form etc.

Certainly, the prestige of these awards is uplifted by the toil and fervor of aam Indians, many of whom have worked tirelessly and done remarkable work for decades struggling against the vicissitudes of life and systemic discrimination under difficult conditions. Exemplifying the dedication of ordinary citizens whose commitment to democratic values has not just endured every challenge thrown their way but also built the country over seven decades.

But politically, it serves another purpose. Their lives are outside ideological battles. They have no public record of dissent. No sharp criticism of policy. No inconvenient questions. By foregrounding them, the awards can be projected as people centric while quietly sidelining the outspoken intellectual and activist class that has traditionally questioned the State.

However, there is a striking omission. Of critics: political or social. voices which shape public debate. By honouring rivals of the past and ignoring challengers of the present, the list becomes a safe space. Even its diversity is carefully managed. It offends no one who actually matters in today’s political contest.

Raising a moot point: Does this kind of posthumous outreach and selective inclusivity actually strengthen the credibility of Padma Awards? Or does it make them feel increasingly hollow to a public that can clearly see the difference between honouring legacy and engaging with living dissent?

From one angle, supporters argue that merit has finally triumphed over ideology. From another, critics see tactical honours designed to woo specific communities and regions while keeping genuine dissent firmly outside the frame. And from a third perspective, the awards appear to operate as a closed loop, rewarding those who are silent, symbolic, or institutionally aligned.

Instituted in January 1954, the Padma Awards were to honour citizens of impeccable integrity who had excelled in a field and made stellar contributions in art, literature, science, public service and nation building.

Sadly, successive Governments treated these as favours to be bestowed in exchange of personal loyalty while ignoring deserving people in civil society. Never mind, it lowers the value, prestige and dignity of the awards.

Given the notoriety the awards generate every year, some aver they be “scrapped.” The selection process is wrong, merit is no longer the criteria, there is no transparency and people have lost faith. Others argue, the awards are necessary as a form of national recognition for meaningful contribution to society.

What next? Time has come to cry a halt to competitive ‘awardmanship.’ Specially when our national pride, honour and self-respect is at stake. Awards or nominations must be in keeping with their laudable objective of acknowledging the truly distinguished service to the nation. Not given to those who live for the moment and revel in the glory of yesteryears. Nor to the politricking darbaris! ---- INFA

(Copyright, India News & Feature Alliance)

Round The States

New Delhi, 24 January 2026

Governor-CM Face-Off

DRAMA IN 3 NON-BJP ASSEMBLIES

By Insaf 

The face-off between Governors and Chief Ministers in Opposition States sadly has become a norm rather than an exception. The week saw Tamil Nadu, Kerala and Karnataka Assemblies witnessing fresh confrontation. On the opening day of the first session on Wednesday last, Tamil Nadu Governor R N Ravi declined to read his customary speech prepared by the DMK government and walked out of the Assembly—for the 4th consecutive year. A press release by Raj Bhavan said his microphone was ‘repeatedly switched off’ and he was ‘not allowed to speak’. He claimed the address prepared by the government, made it untenable for him to deliver as it was “laced with unsubstantiated claims and misleading statements”, including inflated investment figures, issues like alarming rise in sexual violence, drug abuse among youth, suicides, Dalit atrocities being ignored, etc. Chief Minister Stalin hit back by reading out a resolution in the House condemning Ravi’s actions with the Speaker endorsing it and reading out the 65-page Tamil version of the Governor’s address!Stalin also said his party would make efforts to amend the Constitution to eliminate the practice of the Governor delivering a speech at the start of the year.

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Policy Omission

A day earlier, the Kerala Assembly’s Budget session got off on a wrong note too. Governor Rajendra Vishwanath Arlekar omitted parts of his policy address, which included portions targeting the BJP government at the Centre. Such as “Despite these social and institutional achievements, Kerala continues to face severe fiscal stress arising from a series of adverse Union Government actions that undermine the constitutional principles of fiscal federalism,” and “Bills passed by state legislatures have remained pending for prolonged periods. My government has approached the Supreme Court on these issues, which have been referred to a Constitution Bench.” However, Chief Minister PinarayiVijayan later read out the parts which had been skipped saying the Governor had deviated from the policy address, which had been ratified by the state Cabinet.He urged the Speaker to consider the policy address, copies of which were distributed among members, as ‘authentic’ policy address and the latter obliged.

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Minutes Address

Karnataka Assembly followed suit on Thursday last. Governor T. Gehlot refused to read the ruling Congress government’s prepared address to the Assembly and concluded his customary speech in minutes. Said he: “I extend a warm welcome to all of you to the joint session of the State legislature. I am extremely pleased to address one more joint session of the Karnataka legislature. My government is firmly committed to doubling the pace of the state's economic, social, and physical development. Jai Hind. Jai Karnataka,” and walked out. Some Congress MLAs shouting slogans tried to gherao him at the exit door but were removed by security staff.Chief Minister Siddaramaiah reacted: “Today, instead of reading the speech prepared by the Cabinet, he delivered the speech prepared by himself. This is against the provisions of the Indian Constitution… Therefore, it’s not going to be Governor’s speech…” A day earlier Gehlot had refused to deliver the customary address, taking exception to references to the Centre ‘repealing’ MGNREGA. Prompting Siddaramaiah to accuse him of being Centre’s ‘puppet’ and asserting option of ‘approaching the Supreme Court or not.’Be that as it may, it’s unfortunate the three incidents in non-BJP states have escalated into a significant, ongoing threat to the country's federal structure!

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 UP’s Religious Row

Uttar Pradesh is embroiled in a bizarre controversy. It has erupted over a notice issued to religious leader Swami Avimukteshwaran and Saraswati, head of JyotishPeeth of Badrinath, over the use of the ‘Shankaracharya’ title. The tug of war started during the Magh Mela, a month-long religious fair where devotees assemble at the Triveni Sangam, for a holy dip. The swami tried to reach the Sangam in his chariot for bathing but mela administration did not allow him, ‘manhandled’ his supporters and so he staged a protest, demanding an apology as the police action was an “insult of Shankaracharya”. The administration hit back issuing a notice questioning him for using the title, even though an appeal related to the same is sub judice in the Supreme Court. On Wednesday last, Saraswati sent an eight-page reply to the authorities demanding they withdraw the notice or face legal action. He asserted he was the “Shankaracharya” of the Jyotish Peeth. The Opposition has stepped in and SP chief Akhilesh Yadav said the BJP’s love for Hinduism was ‘fake’, and now it had been established as a fact, adding Chief Minister Yogi must apologise to the seer. Congress condemned ill treatment of the seer and accused Yogi of ‘disrupting a centuries-old religious tradition by not allowing him to take the customary royal bath’. Politics aside, the big question is whether this dispute, resulting from the BJP’s approach, might affect its relationship with its core Hindu constituents, notably upper-caste voters who regard Shankaracharyas with significant reverence.

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Delhi’s BJP Show

The BJP headquarters in Delhi was in a festive move on Tuesday last. The saffron party anointed its 12^th national president, the youngest so far, Nitin Nabin. He succeeds J P Nadda, who in his outgoing speech listed the party’s achievements and set out a road map his successor to expand the party’s influence in uncharted territories, such as West Bengal and Kerala. The party with a difference stuck to its tradition and had all the nominations (37) for the post forNabin—consensus and no contest. Enthusing the gathering of ministers, top party functionaries and cadres by his 40-minute speech, Prime Minister Modi said while he is the Pradhan mantri, “when it comes to party matters, I am a worker, and you (Nabin) are my boss… I have given an account of my work. He will now write my CR (confidential report). I am awaiting his guidance.” He described 45-year-old Nabin as a “millennial” which shall aid the party to engage Gen Next. Importantly, his responsibilities are not limited to BJP alone, ‘he has to take care of maintaining coordination with all NDA friends.” Interestingly, Nabin has risen from the ranks, but few have heard of him outside and his taking over the reins have surprised many. The big question is whether he will be able to steer the party or the big brass will run the show. Only time will tell. ---INFA 

(Copyright, India News & Feature Alliance)

Economic Highlights

New Delhi, 26 January 2026

HimalayasFace Snow Famine

GANGA PLAINS IN ECO CRISIS

By ShivajiSatkar 

An alarm bell is tolling. A “snow famine”, or more accurately, recurrent and intensifying snow droughts, is occurring in the Himalayas due to climate change and weakened weather patterns (Western Disturbances). This decline in seasonal snowpack has severe, far-reaching impacts on India’s water security, agriculture, hydropower, and overall ecosystem stability. 

The most fertile cradle of Indian civilisation, the Ganga-Yamuna Do-Aba, could be severely hit with water shortage, if blasting and construction activities in the Himalayas is not stopped immediately. The primary drivers behind the Himalayan snow famine are related to climate change. Human activities in the higher Himalayas beyond Badarinath and other regions during coldest days, not only in India but in the neighbouring Pakistan, Nepal and other areas are also contributing to delayed and scarce snowfalls. 

A report on Hindu Kush Himalaya (HKH) by the International Centre for Integrated Mountain Development (ICIMOD) confirms this transformation, reporting a consistent 24 percent decline over the last three years in seasonal snow cover across the region and this is the lowest of the last 23 years, warning of serious implications for downstream water availability. 

The study highlights the frequent occurrence of snow droughts and their hotspots across 11 major river basins, including the North-Western India, Amu Darya, Indus, Ganga, Mekong, and Salween river basins, which also experienced a significant decline in snow cover days.For Indian farms and power grids depend deeply on Himalayan snowmelt, the implications are profound enduring. 

The Himalayas function as a natural water tower for the Indian sub-continent. Snow accumulated during winter acts as a slow-release reservoir, feeding rivers such as the Indus, Ganga and Brahmaputra during the dry pre-monsoon months. This buffering role checks seasonal water variability. It sustains agriculture, hydropower generation and urban water supply downstream.That system is now under strain. 

Why the Snow Is Disappearing

Several interconnected forces are driving this snow drought. Weakened Western Disturbances (WDs) are central. These low-pressure systems historically delivered winter snow and rain to northern India. In recent years, they have become less frequent, weaker and more erratic, resulting in prolonged dry winters across Jammu & Kashmir, Himachal Pradesh and Uttarakhand. 

Rising temperatures compound the problem. The Himalayan region is warming faster than the global average. Even marginal temperature increases have outsized impacts at high altitudes, shifting precipitation from snow to rain — particularly between 3,000 and 6,000 metres, the critical snow-accumulation zone. Rain runs off quickly instead of being stored, while snow that does fall melts earlier in the season. 

Another accelerant is black carbon deposition. Soot from vehicles, biomass burning and industrial activity in the Indo-Gangetic plains settles on snow surfaces, darkening them and increasing heat absorption. This accelerates melting and shortens snow cover duration.Together, these factors are transforming Himalayan winters from snow-dominated to rain-dominated — a structural shift with cascading consequences. 

Threat to Water Security

The most immediate impact is on water availability. Snowmelt is crucial for maintaining river flows during late spring and early summer, when rainfall is minimal and demand peaks. Reduced snow reserves mean lower base flows, intensifying water stress for cities, irrigation systems and ecosystems. 

River basins such as the Indus, Ganga and Brahmaputra — lifelines for hundreds of millions — are increasingly vulnerable.For urban centres already grappling with groundwater depletion and erratic monsoons, declining Himalayan meltwater removes a vital safety buffer. 

Agricultural Uncertainty

Indian agriculture, particularly in the north and northwest, is tightly coupled to Himalayan hydrology. Rabi crops depend on timely meltwater for irrigation. Unseasonal snowfall, sudden rain-on-snow events, or prolonged dry spells can damage standing crops and orchards. Horticulture — apples, almonds and cherries — is vulnerable, as chilling requirements are no longer reliably met.Over time, this volatility threatens food security, farm incomes and rural livelihoods, adding economic stress to regions already experiencing climate-driven migration. 

Fragile Hydropower

India’s Himalayan states have invested heavily in hydropower, viewing it as a clean energy solution. Yet many existing and planned projects in Himachal Pradesh, Uttarakhand and Arunachal Pradesh depend on predictable spring-summer snowmelt. 

Declining and erratic river flows reduce power generation capacity, complicate reservoir operations and increase financial risk. Global parallels are instructive: in 2022, parts of the Alps experienced exceptionally weak snowmelt, contributing to a 25-year low in Alpine hydropower production by mid-summer.As climate warming accelerates, India’s hydropower strategy faces mounting uncertainty. 

Ecosystems and Disaster Risks Escalate

The Himalayan ecosystem is delicate. Reduced snow cover alters soil moisture, vegetation patterns and wildlife habitats. Alpine flora and fauna adapted to cold conditions are increasingly stressed, while invasive species move upslope. 

More dangerously, rapid and unpredictable melting raises the risk of Glacial Lake Outburst Floods (GLOFs), landslides and flash floods. Rain-on-snow events — increasingly common in warmer winters — amplify runoff and destabilise slopes. Drier winters also heighten the risk of forest fires, a growing concern across Himalayan states. 

Scientific evidence confirms rapid climate-driven glacier loss, but the long-term implications for biodiversity and ecosystem functioning remain poorly understood — underscoring the need for coordinated, long-term research. 

Tourism Feels the Chill

The economic fallout is already visible in winter tourism hubs like Auli and Gulmarg. Snow-poor winters have slashed visitor numbers, disrupted ski seasons and hurt livelihoods dependent on hotels, guides and transport services.As snow becomes unreliable, the viability of winter tourism itself is in question, forcing mountain economies to rethink development models built around predictable snowfall. 

Global Trends Mirror the Himalayan Crisis

What is unfolding in the Himalayas reflects a global pattern. Studies project that by 2100, snow droughts could become three to four times more common than in the 1980s, with “warm” snow droughts — where precipitation falls as rain — dominating by mid-century. 

In 2015, the U.S. West Coast experienced a classic warm snow drought: normal precipitation but record-low snowpack, complicating water management decisions such as those at California’s Oroville Dam. These cases underscore that snow loss, not just rainfall deficits, defines future water risk. 

Adapting to a Snow-Scarce Future

Experts agree that adaptation must be multi-layered. Priorities include investing in seasonal water storage, upgrading irrigation efficiency, strengthening real-time snow and hydrological monitoring, and developing cross-sectoral drought management plans and reduced human activities in sensitive ecozones. 

Lessons can be drawn from the Alps, where flexible reservoir operations, coordinated planning and nature-based solutions have improved resilience. Integrated water management, community-led adaptation and evidence-based policy will be essential in the Himalayan context. 

Ultimately, the Himalayan snow famine is not a distant environmental issue. It is a slow-burn crisis at the heart of India’s water, food and energy systems. Policy changes are must to save the mountains and the globe.---INFA 

(Copyright, India News & Feature Alliance)

Round The World

New Delhi, 23 January 2026

India-Poland Ties

BEDEVILLED BY HOSTILE NEIGHBOURS

By Dr. D.K. Giri 

India and Poland relations seem to have taken a nosedive in the last few months, especially since October 2025, the Polish Foreign Minister, Radoslaw Sikorski, who is also the Deputy Prime Minister of his country, visited Pakistan. This visit happening a few months after the India-Pakistan conflict (May 2025) had ruffled feathers in South Block, New Delhi. The unease and the strain between the External Affairs Ministers of India, S. Jaishankar and Sikorski came out into the open in the joint press conference held on 19 January. 

In the televised press conference, Jaishankar made a sharp remark on Sikorski’s observations on India’s transactions with Russia. Secondly, Jaishankar picked on the Foreign Minister for his initiatives in renewing ties with Pakistan. Jaishankar referred to India’s imports of Russian oil which Sikorski had been speaking about publicly during his visit. He quoted Polish Foreign Minister on latter’s remarks in Jaipur that “he was pleased that India had cut its purchase of Russian oil….” Jaishankar said, “I have repeatedly underlined that selective targeting of India is both unfair and unjustified. I do so again today”. 

Jaishankar in his opening remarks in the press conference, while referring to Polish Foreign Minister’s aforesaid trip to Pakistan, said he wanted to “discuss some of (Sikorski’s) recent travels to the region”. He elaborated, “Poland should display zero tolerance for terrorism and not help fuel the terrorist infrastructure in our neighbourhood”. In his response, the Polish FM agreed that the two sides were on the same page on terrorism. He admitted that the conversation about India and Poland’s respective regions had been open and frank. But he pointed out, perhaps as a retort, “India’s participation in Zapad 2025 military exercises in Russia and Belarus was seen as ‘threatening’”. 

Polish Foreign Minister expanding on his response said, “We all have regional concerns and we all have neighbours, and with neighbours you have opportunities and challenges. While we are of one mind on terrorism, we have concerns that India took part in the Zapad exercises in Russia that we find threatening.” It was also reported that the Foreign Minister walked out in a huff from a debate on NDTV, news channel. Admitting that the channel anchors could be uncomfortable and combative, the Foreign Minister as a politician should know better to handle them than walking away. Even the journalists in the West are equally aggressive. 

At any rate, the sharp exchange of divergences between two Foreign Ministers of two democracies was bit unusual for the observers of international relations, the India-Poland ties in particular. The relations between both countries have been steadily growing in multiple sectors since the visit of Indian Prime Minister to Warsaw en route to Kiev to meet Zelenskyy, the President of Ukraine. That said mutual concerns about their respective neighbours are in fact not out of order. These have to be addressed by both counties if the ties have to be taken to new heights. 

Poland is certainly and genuinely concerned about Russian military actions in the neighbourhood. It  has won and lost battles to Russia in the past. But in the recent past, Poland has been colonised by Russia, its predecessor Soviet Union, to be more precise. Russia under Putin has expressed off and on to extend Moscow’s influence across Eastern Europe which includes Poland as an immediate neighbour bordering it. Putin’s intentions are revanchist in nature as Soviet Union used to have political suzerainty over Eastern Europe including Poland. It is natural for Warsaw as a sovereign, independent, a fast-growing economy and democracy to be alarmed by Russia’s neo imperialist designs. 

Europe, especially Poland is concerned about India’s position on Ukraine war. The oil purchase has become a thorn in the flesh of European countries. As a matter of fact, many countries in the world are driven in their geo-political relations by their respective national interests. India is no exception to that trend as it is evidenced in New Delhi’s response to Ukraine war. European Union countries have been guided by their national economic interests. Their trade and investment in China testify to the mismatch between their avowed international political principles and economic policies. Having written extensively about it, I am a bit surprised that Jaishankar does not raise the China obsession of Europe in his remarks on partner countries dealing with New Delhi’s hostile neighbours. 

It is in order that New Delhi raises China question with EU countries including Poland whenever the latter brings up India’s policy on Ukraine war. That is a better bargain than raising European engagement with Pakistan, which is of course, of no less concern to India. But Pakistan exists only as a satellite country of one big power or the other. Islamabad was clinging to the apron-strings of the United States, now it is China or a couple of cash-rich countries in the Middle-East. The bigger threat in terms of China looms large on India’s interests and security. Raising the China card, should put the European powers on the defensive. 

On the brighter side, India-Poland relations have been steadily growing despite such irritants. Under the India-Poland strategic partnership framework, both countries have agreed to review their Action Plan 2024-2028 focusing on cooperation in trade, investment, defence and security. The two have also emphasised the importance of education, linguistic and cultural exchange in building mutual understanding. More important, Poland has expressed support for stronger India-EU ties as both Union of India and the European Union are about to sign a Free Trade Agreement. 

In economic ties, the bilateral trade has grown by 200 per cent in the past decade, touching 7b USD. India’s investment in Poland has crossed 3b USD creating job opportunities for Polish citizens. While both countries are committed to upholding international law and promoting global peace and security, they have divergent views on Russia’s actions in Ukraine. In defence cooperation, both countries have scope in expanding their collaboration. Poland’s defence industry with established companies like PZL and WZL having expertise in Aero Space and defence equipment manufacturing can collaborate with India on co-development and co-production of aircrafts, helicopters and drones. 

As India is becoming an exporter of defence equipments, both countries have potential scope in naval cooperation. Poland’s experience in building naval vassals can compliment India’s growing naval capabilities. Thus, Poland can play a role in India’s ‘Make in India’ defence initiative.  However, the challenges that the defence cooperation may encounter consist of differences in defence procurement processes, export controls and licensing – Poland’s membership of the EU and NATO may incur export controls and licensing requirements. Both countries have limited industry-to-industry engagement, technology transfer and IIPR issues. 

However, these challenges can be addressed by regular dialogue and consultations encouraging industry-to-industry engagement and providing government support and facilitation in promoting cooperation. India and Poland have similar growth aspirations and security concerns. It is, therefore, strategic for both countries to deepen their ties. ---INFA 

(Copyright, India News & Feature Alliance)