Political Diary

New Delhi, 4 November 2025

India’s Criminal Escape Artists

WILL OUR BAHUBALI-NETAS BITE DUST?

By Poonam I Kaushish

 Taint is the flavour this political season. Wherein, hundreds of our criminal-politicos flaunt their “bullet-proof jackets” in the ongoing electoral circus in Bihar. This chilling reality hit bull’s eye with the arrest of Mokam’s bahubali five-time MLA JD(U)s Anant Singh nee ‘Chhote Sarkar’ for murder of ex-RJD strongman Dular Chand Yadav. Heart wrenchingly encapsulated by a poor voter: “Try and understand. We are poor people. This is a fight among bahubalis. We will just go and cast our vote.” 

Alas, known for complex caste arithmetic, Bihar has for decades voted for several bahubalis who possess dhanbal, janbal and buddhibal in addition to spectacular strongman violent acts who with assertion of power beyond law get peoples’ support and win polls with ease generating a muscular, masculine idiom of leadership over the State and impunity from law. 

From Lalu’s RJD don Shahabuddin in the nineties who was MP for three terms, down Rajput Anand Mohan Singh to over 20 bahubalis in 2000: Munna Shukla, Rajan Tiwari, Dadan Pehalwan, Suraj Bhan Singh, etc. While some strongmen contest, others demonstrate their political influence by fielding  wives or relatives. 

Both in Bihar and UP those who rose from the crime world to corridors of power were even made Ministers by Governments despite serious allegations. From Atiq Ahmed, his brother Ashraf, Raju Pal, Ansari brothers to Kunda’s Raja Bhaiya who burned houses  and MLA Vijay Mishra who spent more time in jail than in his constituency who won elections regardless of his Party affiliation. 

Think. Mafia dons have been elected from prisons, some continue to hold durbars in jail, with all home comforts, instruct chamchas by cellphone and rule their empire, issuing diktats that few dare disobey. Not a few take anticipatory bail to avoid arrest, others simply abscond only to “surrender” when ready. 

The rise of “money and muscle” enabled bāhubalis to secure legitimacy by aligning with Parties, invoking cross-cutting identities such as gareeb and,mazloom by helping people in their day-to-day needs and disputes, activating caste networks in the State Administration thereby demonstrating their social popularity. Making clear any action against them would be costly. 

In this free-for-all khichri what is disturbing and distressing is all Parties are openly recognizing and nominating criminals as candidates. Wherein the rogues' gallery of bandits, racketeers and murderers have filled halls of power and fame. 

Why? With power translating into a number game, Parties field mafia dons as they convert muscle power into votes, often at gun point, to emerge victorious. This arrangement works on quid-pro-quo: Parties get unlimited funds to fight elections and criminals protection from law and respectability in society. 

Why do mafia dons invest large sums in getting a neta’s tag? It’s a ticket to continue extortions using political power, gain influence and ensure cases against them are dropped. Thanks to legal delays, often abetted by political pressures, make convictions of resourceful crooks rather rare. Besides, returns on political investments are so high and profitable that criminals are disinclined to invest in anything else. Adding salt to wounds people have to suffer the discomfiture of criminal MP/MLAs legislating on their behalf. Sic.    

Thus, our system has unwittingly created huge incentives for criminals to enter politics. Immortalised by renowned Mumbai mafia don-turned MLA Arun Gawli: “Ab kis ka dam hai ki mujhe encounter me maare. Now no politician can give supari to any police officer or gangster to kill me. Ab mere paas bullet proof jacket hai --- and MLA tag”. 

Shockingly, a whopping 2,556 MLAs in 22 States stand accused of heinous crimes. One Congress MLA has 204 cases including culpable homicide, robbery/ criminal intimidation. Over 5,000 criminal cases against MLAs are pending despite Courts directions to facilitate speedy disposal. 

Undoubtedly, India’s downslide has been rapid. Distressingly, it doesn’t strike any cord anywhere. Parties are openly recognizing and nominating criminals as candidates. Why? Because there is no rule of law and the State has lost its Iqbal to govern and arrest those who break the law. 

Resulting in our jan sevaks dancing to their underworld benefactors tunes at people’s cost. Thus, in apradhi-banne-netas democracy is boxed in three ---- mafia box, cartridge box and ballot box! It is this mutual benefit and camaraderie between criminal-Party nexus which is the cause célèbre for our netagan. 

One could dismiss politicization of crime as an evolving phase of our democratic process. But with our democratic system being usurped by petty thugs, dus numeriyas, criminals and mafia dons the only thing that matters is on whose side the criminal is: His or ours? All are same. Only degrees differ. 

Whereby criminal-politicos get away like escape artists. Hence, the number of mafiaso-netas are rapidly multiplying in legislatures ushering in a new ‘don’ (dawn) wherein yesterday’s dons are today’s Right Honourables: a law unto themselves and all-powerful. With an MP-MLA tag, a bullet-proof jacket from police, encounters and rivals. 

Scandalously, criminal are crowding out honest candidates at national and State level. According to a recent report 45.5% ‘criminal’ candidates win against 24.7% with clean backgrounds. So in this self perpetuating system the growing Indian middle class is not averse to electing criminals if they become their patrons, flex muscle, terrorise constituents, keep them in check, provide protection, ration-Government jobs and deliver goods. 

Thanks to a weak police and legal system which ensures that mafia-turned netagan get away with murder. They are the law and rule by law: use force with impunity, collect protection money, settle disputes unlike the State bogged down in legal wrangles and use loads of money to muscle out honest candidates. A milieu of jo jeeta woh sikander, a vicious circle of you scratch-my-back, I scratch-yours! 

Besides, when it comes to criminal cases, the lines are blurred. What to speak of the marathon legal process. Our law only bars persons from running for office once they are indicted by a court, which often happens years, even decades, after an arrest. It's even harder to dislodge someone actually holding office. What is the yardstick that can be applied to them?

Recently, a rueful Court accentuated that crime continues regardless of it ordering Parties to not field candidates with criminal antecedents in Assembly polls. “We have been telling legislature to take action against candidates against whom charges have been framed but nothing has been done. Nothing is done and nothing will ever be done by any Party to prevent criminals from entering politics and standing for elections. Unfortunately, we can’t legislate.” 

In a milieu wherein our Parliamentary system has now been hijacked by the criminalisation of politics, the aam aadmi is naturally cynical. No one wants to vote for a criminal. And yet for years criminals have been using the electoral system to enter politics, with the janata hopelessly looking on. 

Clearly, no longer will technical or legalistic response suffice. The answer lies in Parties raising the bar and ridding itself of this rot gorging on our body political. Remember, a democracy is only as good as the refinement of its people’s democratic sensibility. Instead of rooting for criminals our polity must compete to enhance sensibility. 

How many murder charges are required before one is considered unfit to represent people? Are there no honest and capable netas? When will we stop hanging petty thieves and electing criminals to public office? ---- INFA 

(Copyright, India News & Feature Alliance)

Economic Highlights

New Delhi, 3 November 2025

US Shift in W. Asia

DOORS OPEN FOR INDIA

By Shivaji Sarkar 

Rapid developments appear to be reshaping India’s regional landscape, hinting at a subtle yet significant realignment of strategic interests. These shifts could mark the early stages of a new regional balance — one that may open fresh avenues for India and alter long-standing equations across Indo-Pacific, West and South Asia. 

The U.S. decision to relax sanctions on Iran’s Chabahar port for six months has revived India’s long-stalled $370 million project, strengthening its role in regional logistics and security. Combined with a new 10-year defence pact with Washington, these moves point to a quiet reconfiguration of the Indo-Pacific and West and South Asian order on the sidelines of ASEAN defence ministers’ meeting. 

Together, these moves signal a recalibration of Washington’s South Asia policy — one that appears to recognise India’s pivotal role and extends cooperation well beyond trade or tariff disputes. 

The significance of these developments cannot be overstated. The Chabahar relaxation comes at a time when the U.S.–Taliban standoff over Bagram airbase remains unresolved and the global energy market is under stress from continuing instability in the Middle East. If these changes continue on their current trajectory, they could have lasting implications for the global strategic order — especially given the overlapping signals from Vladimir Putin and Donald Trump’s Alaska dialogue, the Xi–Trump trade understanding on tariffs and rare-earth supplies, and the quiet thaw between India and China on limited trade and security matters. 

During the ASEAN meeting, Defence Minister Rajnath Singh remarked that India “no longer remains China-focused,” suggesting a broader approach to regional security. His statement came after talks with U.S. Defence Secretary Pete Hegseth, where both sides reaffirmed a shared vision of peace, prosperity, and stability in the Indo-Pacific. 

Chabahar: A Strategic Pivot

The Chabahar Port project lies at the heart of this emerging realignment. For Washington, it provides a controlled avenue to support Afghanistan’s reconstruction without strengthening Pakistan’s leverage. For New Delhi, it is a crucial instrument to counter Chinese and Pakistani influence in the region. Strategically located almost opposite Pakistan’s Chinese-built Gwadar Port, Chabahar offers India a rare geopolitical advantage.

The port’s inclusion in the International North–South Transport Corridor (INSTC) further boosts its relevance. It links India not only to Iran but also to Russia, Central Asia, and Europe via sea, rail, and road networks. Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan, both landlocked, have expressed interest in using Chabahar as their gateway to the Indian Ocean Region, reinforcing India’s status as a logistics hub for Eurasian trade. 

The Chabahar project, rooted in the 2016 India-Iran-Afghanistan Trilateral Agreement, gives India a vital overland route to Afghanistan—symbolising strategic autonomy from China and Pakistan’s regional hold. The U.S.’s renewed six-month sanctions waiver, after its 2025 revocation, signals a calculated exception for India and hints at Washington’s growing reliance on New Delhi as a regional intermediary, possibly even a bridge to the Taliban. 

The U.S. had previously revoked the Chabahar waiver in September 2025, exposing Indian entities like India Ports Global Limited (IPGL) to potential sanctions under the Iran Freedom and Counter-Proliferation Act (IFCA). The renewed relaxation, therefore, is both symbolic and strategic — an exception carved out for India amid an otherwise hostile U.S. policy toward Tehran. 

Trade Ties and Economic Footprint

India–Iran bilateral trade stood at $2.33 billion in 2022–23, marking a 21.76 percent year-on-year increase but still 23 percent below the previous year’s volume. India exported $nz61.66 billion in agricultural and livestock products — including meat, dairy, onions, garlic, and canned vegetables — while importing $672 million in petrochemicals and food items such as methanol, bitumen, propane, butane, apples, dates, and almonds. 

Trade with Afghanistan totalled around $1 billion in 2023–24, slightly down from $1.06 billion in 2021–22, with exports worth $ 355 million and imports about $ 672 million. Despite the Taliban’s return, India has maintained limited humanitarian and commodity trade links through Iranian ports — a quiet continuity that has not gone unnoticed in Washington. 

According to a U.S. State Department statement, the South Asia strategy “underscores our ongoing support for Afghanistan’s economic growth and our close partnership with India.” It further notes that Washington seeks to maintain maximum pressure on Iran’s destabilising actions while encouraging regional development. Notably, Chabahar remains the only Iranian entity explicitly exempted from U.S. sanctions — an indicator of its unique place in American strategic calculations. 

Defence and Trade Dimensions

Although not directly tied to Chabahar, the 10-year India–U.S. Defence Pact represents a deeper phase of cooperation. The framework builds on the Security of Supply Arrangement (SOSA) signed in 2024, which allows both countries to request priority delivery of defence materials from private suppliers in each other’s markets. 

In 2024, India–U.S. trade of $118.2 billion, with India enjoying a $36.8 billion surplus — exporting $77.5 billion and importing $40.7 billion. However, the relationship remains textured: President Trump’s imposition of 24 percent reciprocal tariffs on Indian goods, followed by a 25 percent penalty over New Delhi’s Russian defence purchases, reflects the persistent friction within an otherwise expanding partnership. 

Still, the defence framework is expected to expedite the purchase of 113 GE jet engines for India’s Tejas aircraft and open negotiations on other combat systems. Washington’s willingness to accommodate New Delhi’s broader geopolitical interests — even amid tariff tensions — suggests a recognition of India’s value as a long-term strategic partner in the Indo-Pacific. 

Regional Strategy and Outlook

Analysts see these moves as part of a broader U.S. recalibration in West and South Asia, where the search for reliable partners has grown urgent. The six-month sanction pause on Chabahar may not amount to a full policy reversal toward Iran, but it clearly indicates that Washington is ready to make selective exceptions for India when strategic imperatives demand flexibility. 

In the long run, this could mark the beginning of a more pragmatic U.S. regional strategy — one that looks beyond its traditional alliances with Israel and Pakistan and acknowledges the complexity of a multipolar Asia. For India, the developments reaffirm its growing ability to engage simultaneously with the U.S., Russia, Iran, and China, maintaining autonomy amid global rivalries. 

For now, any U.S.–Iran rapprochement remains distant. Relations between the two remain at their lowest point in decades, clouded by deep mistrust, nuclear tensions, and the June 2025 military confrontations. Yet, both sides share overlapping interests — from ensuring Iran’s stability to combating extremist networks — that could, over time, provide a basis for limited cooperation.---INFA 

(Copyright, India News & Feature Alliance)

REWIND

New Delhi, 30 October 2025

NEW ALARUM OVER FUTURE POLLS

By Inder Jit

(Released on 2 April 1985) 

His words still ring in my ears, loud and clear. "Our elections have become a farce", asserted a veteran Congress-I leader from Bihar in Parliament's Central Hall last week. No, he was not joking. Added the leader: "Your triumph depended this time not upon your popularity with the voters but upon other factors. First, your ability to capture the polling booths. Second and more important, your equation with the Presiding Officer and the District Magistrate". I interrupted: "This could not have been the rule..." The State leader pointed to an MP from Bihar and said: "Ask him". "Yes, it is true", said the MP and added: "My good friend, in future, we need to woo and win over the Presiding Officer and the DM only, not the voters!” We were then given sordid details, which made us sit up. Private armies had been raised and ruthlessly used. Even firearms and explosives were used. I protested again: "Surely, you cannot generalise?" "The leader smiled cynically and replied. "Arre bhai, you wait and watch. Once the people in other States also become wise, the poll will become a bigger farce. The old adage still holds: Jiski lathi uski bhains (Might is right)."

Authoritative information provided to the Lok Sabha on the subject during question time a day later should make all of us ponder. Some of the States like Bihar and Uttar Pradesh have experienced violence before. But this time, as in Bihar, the scale of violence was more widespread, resulting in more casualties. Free use of the gun as against free exercise of the right to vote led to a greater incidence of booth capturing. In all, 131 persons were murdered or killed in poll violence during the Lok Sabha and Assembly elections. As in the past, Bihar topped the list with 28 persons killed in the elections to the Lok Sabha and 51 in those to the Assembly. Andhra Pradesh followed with 7 killed during the Lok Sabha poll and 21 in the Assembly elections. In U.P., another State prone to violence, the number was six each. There were cases of sporadic violence and poll murders in Kerala 4, Maharashtra 5, Gujarat 2 and Haryana 1. Bihar had the highest number of cases of booth capturing -- 155, U.P. followed with 38, Jammu and Kashmir 30 and Andhra Pradesh 29, to mention the bigger States only. 

Violence in these states erupted in spite of the deployment of greater number of security forces by the Election Commission to prevent booth capturing. Free use of sticks and guns was made in rural areas of these States to intimidate the voters and the election staff on duty. In Bihar, unlicensed fire arms and explosives were used. This was despite the raids conducted for recovery of such weapons and ammunition. The weapons seized during the raids were 36 country made revolvers, 148 pistols, 14 rifles, 83 guns, 1185 cartridges and 174 bombs. The UP Government reported to the Centre that no definite figures were available about the use of unlicensed arms. However, 22 factory-made weapons were seized during the Lok Sabha elections and 18 in the Assembly poll. Anti-social elements still went ahead with their evil designs... In many cases, there was collusion between the candidates and the Presiding Officers leading to mass rigging. Not unoften, ballot boxes were stuffed with marked ballot papers in the preceding night itself -- or just before polling was over.

Not only that. An alarum has also been sounded by the Chief Election Commissioner, Mr. R.K. Trivedi. In Bangalore last week, he said that recent experience had shown that the most important problem that threatened to assume alarming proportions related to growing lawlessness either in the form of intimidation or coercion of voters or booth capturing. Fortunately, the problem at present was restricted only to one of two states and that, too, in certain limited areas, he added. But the type of violence which was reported and the limit of tolerance displayed by the parties and the public in general showed that it would be necessary to go into their root causes. Time had come to create a climate of security where respect for law and authority was reestablished. These would require long-term measures. In the short-term, there was need to break the nexus between lower level political functionaries and local malcontents and criminals on the one hand and to eliminate political interference in the working of the district administration responsible for the maintenance of law and order on the other.

The Chief Election Commissioner also said a major offensive was needed to be mounted by the political parties themselves to rid the electoral process of this growing menace. The political parties, he felt, should got together to arrive at a consensus to deal with this problem on the moral, legal and administrative planes. At present, the law prevented a convict from contesting an election. But some further provisions needed to be made to keep out the social malcontents with a proven record of a shady past. Those whose detentions had been approved by the judicial advisory boards could also be kept out of the polls. He suggested summary trials for those resorting to violence during electioneering including disturbing election meetings on pain of disqualification subject to conviction. All these would have their effect. But the important thing was "for society to demonstrate its strongest abhorrence against political violence and express its preference for peaceful elections through democratic means."

There is no gainsaying the fact that violence is very much in the air today and steps are urgently needed to contain and tackle it. But we have to devote our attention from now onwards to ensure that it does not vitiate what the founding fathers of the Constitution gave us: a free and fair poll. Mr Trivedi, for his part, also put forward his own remedy at Bangalore. He said the Election Commission had suggested to the Government that it should be given powers to cancel the poll in an entire constituency if it is satisfied that large scale booth capturing, coercion or intimidation has taken place. On the face of it, the proposal is unexceptionable and is certain to win the approval of all right thinking people. Tragically, however, Mr Trivedi seems to be blissfully unaware of his own powers. The Chief Election Commissioner already has powers not only to order a repoll anywhere but also to ensure that those who conduct the poll act honourably and impartially, as decisively shown by his predecessor, Mr S.L. Shakdher, in the case of the controversial Garhwal poll to the Lok Sabha in June 1980 and in the elections to the Lok Sabha and the Assembly from Bihar the same year.

Mr Shakdher was well aware of the tendency in Bihar to indulge in coercion and intimidation of voters and, above all, in booth capturing. In an earlier election, for instance, one senior Congress-I M.P. was able to win from Bihar because he was able to capture 50 more booths than his rival. In another case, a defeated candidate told me: "I lost because I had one gun less! Mr Shakdher was also aware of the tendency among the Presiding Officers and District Magistrates to oblige friends at the poll -- actively or by feigning helplessness. But he tackled the problem through a simple, practical device. He firmly told all Presiding Officers and District Magistrates to conduct themselves correctly and fairly and warned them in so many words: "I shall personally write the CRs of all in regard to their conduct of the poll. There will be a good entry in the case of those who do really well and an adverse entry against those..." The threat worked. In the case of Garhwal, Mr. Shakdher asserted his independence and ordered a repoll once he discovered that outside police force had been inducted into the constituency without his knowledge and had vitiated a free and fair poll.

The power of the Election Commission in regard to three matters -- superintendence, direction and control -- is absolute and cannot be questioned by anyone. (Not many remember that these three words were deliberately and advisedly picked by the Founding Fathers from Article 14 of the Government of India Act of 1935 – a key article designed to give the Secretary of State absolute power to supervise, direct and control the functioning of the Governor General of India, who was authorised even to act "in his discretion" and "exercise his individual judgment.”) In fact, the Supreme Court has already held that the power of the commission in the superintendence, direction and control is unfettered and over-riding. Parliament has, no doubt, bean empowered to legislate on certain aspects of the elections, such as making provision with respect to elections to legislatures. But the crucial point here is this: all such legislation is subject to the absolute power accorded to the Election Commission to conduct a free and fair poll.

In practice, the three words – superintendence, direction and control – also give the Election Commission two vital far-reaching rights; to virtually legislate and to be informed. The Chief Election Commissioner is empowered to legislate through "direction", implement the legislation through "superintendence" and interpret the legislation through "control". Every little detail in regard to the conduct of elections comes under his overall control, direction and superintendence through Section (6) of Article 324 of the Constitution which provides: "The President, or the Governor of a State, shall, when so requested by the Election Commission, make available to the Election Commission or to a Regional Commissioner such staff as may be necessary for the discharge of the functions conferred on the Election Commission by clause (1)." (italics mine) The word staff does not mean merely officials or clerks of the State. The word embraces everyone under the umbrella of either the Centre or the State Government, including the police and the army.

The Prime Minister, Mr Rajiv Gandhi, has promised a further package of electoral reforms, having mended the Constitution to ban defections. But legislation by itself will not do. We have also to deal with the crucial human factor. India's Constitution is basically sound. It has given the Chief Election Commissioner all the power he needs to ensure that a poll is not only free and fair but also without fear. What is required are right men in right places to work it -- and to exercise the power fairly and impartially. Μr. Trivedi is right when he urges that steps must be taken to eliminate political interference in the working of the district administration responsible for the maintenance of law and order. There can be no two opinions that the clear line between the state and Government has tended to get blurred in recent elections in some States and needs to be restored. Ultimately, India's ability to meet effectively the new threat of increasing poll violence will depend upon the ability of the Chief Election Commissioner to function fearlessly and independently.---INFA

(Copyright, India News and Feature Alliance)

Round The World

New Delhi, 31 October 2025

India-ASEAN Ties

SOME FRESH INITIATIVES

By Dr. D.K. Giri

(Prof of Practice, NIIS Group of Institutions) 

Prime Minister Narendra Modi called 2026 as the year of ASEAN-India Maritime Cooperation. Addressing virtually the 22^nd ASEAN Summit held in Kuala Lumpur on 26 October, he added that ‘ASEAN is the main pillar of India’s Act East Policy’ and a powerful foundation of global stability and growth. 

The theme of this year’s conference was inclusivity and sustainability. India took the opportunity to emphasise collective efforts for international development. In his speech, Foreign Minister S. Jaishankar said that there should be zero tolerance of terrorism anywhere; it poses “a continuous and corrosive threat”. He repeated his favourite concept of multipolarity which he said was here to stay. But it is another matter which are the pillars of power in a multipolar world. 

Quite a few decisions were taken as they happen in such summits. The frontrunning pact was the maritime cooperation. It is significant for India to deepen this cooperation as ASEAN countries have major maritime routes that is vital for trade and commerce; particularly the Malacca Strait through which India’s 80 per cent energy imports transit. This cooperation consists of four areas of activities; maritime security, blue economy, HADR – Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Relief, and connectivity infrastructure. 

Second, since the focus was on accelerated economic integration, India-ASEAN signed AITIGA – ASEAN-Indian Trade in Goods Agreement. India felt the urgency to push this as India’s trade deficit with ASEAN was growing. It was 43.57b USD in 2022-23 compared to 9.66b USD in 2016-17. ASEAN remains the fourth largest trading partner of India with 11 per cent of India’s global trade. 

Additionally, the existing review of the Agreement aims to enhance trade facilitation, simplifying customs procedures, addressing non-tariff barriers and exploring new opportunities in services and investment sector. 

Third, the Prime Minister offered a host of fresh initiatives to strengthen the ties. He extended support for the implementation of ASEAN-India Comprehensive Strategic Partnership which included among other areas, cooperation in tourism as both celebrate 2025 as the Year of Tourism; training of 400 professionals in renewable energy, particularly supporting the ASEAN Power Grid Initiative, a South-East Asian University Studies at Nalanda University in order to develop regional expertise, holding the East Asia Summit Maritime Heritage Festival in Gujarat and a conference on maritime security cooperation. 

The Action-Plan 2026-30 builds on the 10-point agenda announced at the 21^st ASEAN Summit in Vientiane, Laos 2024. The Action Plan is meant to translate these commitments into a detailed modus operandi with timelines and deliverables. 

Fourth, India’s core strength on digitalisation was reflected on expanding collaboration on Digital Public Infrastructure – cross-border payment systems and Fintech solutions. India’s UPI model, the Unified Payment system has generated interest across the developing world including ASEAN countries. The ASEAN-India Fund for Digital Future will be harnessed in this venture which include cooperation on AI, block chain technology, for supply chain management and digital health platforms. 

In strategic terms, India-ASEAN partnership assumes significance as South-East Asian countries are caught in the crossfire between Washington and Beijing on trade tension and hegemonic competition. India offers them some cushion as a stabilizer. 

Many countries and regional blocs expect India to be the third market and an economic and political power. Whether India is progressing fast to meet that expectation is a matter of debate. But, as the biggest country and with a functional democracy growing to that status will be slower, unlike China which has been a centralized market economy and USA a big military power. 

That said, India and ASEAN have considerable convergence of interests. There are strong cultural ties with majority of South-East Asian countries which is a powerful base for people-to-people connection. India has unwaveringly supported ASEAN as an important partner in the region with a combined GDP over 3 trillion USD. ASEAN offers India’s business crucial opportunities for investment, market access and supply chain option as an alternative to China-centric trade and economy. In the continuing power rivalry in the Indo-Pacific region, India-ASEAN partnership presents an alternative model of bilateralism based on strategic autonomy and shared prosperity and security. 

Organisationally, ASEAN added Timor-Leste making it the 11^th member, plus the regional partners consisting of Australia, China, India, South Korea, Russia and the United States. There was unanimous approval of and welcome to Timor-Leste, a small country that broke away from Indonesia after a long struggle for independence. 

As for India, the relationship is steadily growing. It became a dialogue partner in 1995, which was upgraded to summit level. The proximity and expectations between India and ASEAN seem to be increasingly matching.Therefore, observers contend that Modi, giving the summit a conspicuous miss could be a lost opportunity for India. Other big global powers like China and US perhaps made greater impact represented by the heads of their respective countries. 

The reasons attributed to his absence are, India-US trade tensions, Malaysia, the host of the summit extending diplomatic support to Pakistan during Operation Sindoor. The buzz in the media earlier on was that Prime Minister of Malaysia was arranging a bilateral between Trump and Modi which perhaps did not materialise. There could be two interpretations of his absence. One, Modi wanted to express his displeasure to his friend Trump for not reciprocating all that support he had extended to him during his second term election and otherwise. 

Second, without a chance of meeting Trump personally, it would have been embarrassing or widened the personal distance. But even a handshake or exchange of greetings in person, would have perhaps thawed the tension. Modi does prioritise personal proximity and warmth on building international relations. 

Perhaps, Trump will warm up again if he managed to bring an end to the war in Ukraine. He had made a specific promise on that and was expecting the Noble Peace prize. It is a missed opportunity on Trump’s legacy term as the President. That is why he is not happy with Modi for not supporting him. 

All in all, except Prime Minister Modi’s absence, the summit has been of great possibilities and opportunities for India as well as ASEAN. However, as is said ‘the proof of the pudding is in the eating’. Therefore, how India is implementing its Act-East Policy will determine the way ahead. ---INFA 

(Copyright, India News & Feature Alliance)