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Open Forum
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Triumph, Smaller Parties’ End!: BIHAR STILL BLEEDS: NITI AYOG, By Shivaji Sarkar, 17 Nov 25 |
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Economic Highlights
New Delhi, 17
November 2025
Triumph,
Smaller Parties’ End!
BIHAR
STILL BLEEDS: NITI AYOG
By Shivaji
Sarkar
The NDA’s stunning
202-seat sweep in Bihar—far above exit-poll expectations—has buoyed a shaken
stock market but also revived debate on the sustainability of Bihar’s economy
and what this political consolidation means for the state’s future. Election
rhetoric centred on poverty, yet the deeper structural issues of Bihar’s
stagnant economy remained largely unaddressed.
The vote-seat
mismatch itself is striking. Despite RJD securing the highest vote share (22.1
percent)—1.13 crore votes—it won only 27 seats. By contrast, the BJP (20.7
percent – 99 lakh votes) won 89 seats and the JD(U) (18.9 percent-95 lakh votes)
secured 85, Congress got 43 lakh (6 seats), LJP-RV 25 lakh (19 seats). The
crushing numbers have parallel in the last Maharashtra assembly polls. BJP
contested 189 seats. It won 132.
The spin has baffled
observers and rattled an opposition that now raises questions about the
Election Commission’s conduct; Congress spokespersons, including Pavan Khera,
have hinted at systemic irregularities. At some booths there were reported
protests by the Congress on EVM. A scuffle at Forbesganj finally closed with
the victory of Congress candidate.
The unusual outcome
has sparked worries about what such electoral patterns may mean for future
contests, particularly for regional or smaller parties across India, especially
as the Prime Minister has already warned of ending “jungle raj” in West Bengal.
Law and order
concerns persist in Bihar, highlighted by the Mokama killing and the electoral
victory of Anant Singh, the accused. Meanwhile, 20 years of “Sushasan” have
not translated into visible economic transformation. Nitish Kumar’s pre-poll
cash transfers—including the Rs 10,000 scheme for women—may have helped
electorally, but they cannot compensate for the structural weaknesses of the
state. The contrary were RJD-Cong Mahagathbandhan (MGB) counter programmes for
women.The MGB says as many women are for Nitish, as many are opposing him.
Indian future political scenario could be more volatile.
It is no cakewalk for
Nitish Kumar, if he continues as chief minister, to brighten up the economic
contours in a jiffy. His partner, BJP, had sounded repeatedly of replacing him
even raising his health issues.
Markets Cheer, Ground
Reality Grim
Financial strategists
view the decisive NDA victory as a market-positive outcome. Goldman Sachs
recently upgraded India to “overweight,” citing strong earnings momentum and a
supportive policy environment. Q2 corporate results have been healthy. Marcellus
Investment Managers argues the “worst may be over,” with large-cap valuations
normalising.
Bihar’s microeconomy,
however,has not enthused the businesses over the decades. The main reason
behind Bihar’s poor state is both historical—it was always behind–and the lack
of progress on investments. This does not mean that Bihar is not making any
progress at all. In recent years, its gross state domestic product (GSDP)
growth has consistently surpassed all-India growth. However, given Bihar’s low
base, it would take years before the fast pace of growth changes.
Capital expenditure
remains only 14 percent of the state’s total spending for 2025–26, far lower
than peer states with similar income levels such as West Bengal, Uttar Pradesh,
Madhya Pradesh and Jharkhand.
Lack of employment
opportunities in the state – 9.9 percent unemployment in the 15-29 age-group
(even against UP’s 9.1 percent) has forced people to migrate to other states in
search of jobs, which has been one of the major poll issues. As a result, mass
migration continues: 3.16 crore Biharis are registered on the national e-Shram
portal in search of work, second only to UP.
Widening Income Gap
Bihar’s GSDP remains
the lowest among major states. Its divergence from industrialised states has
widened over time. In 2011–12, Bihar’s GDP was 34 percent of Tamil Nadu’s, 43
percent of Gujarat’s, and 41 percent of Karnataka’s. By 2021–22, these ratios
had fallen to 32 percent, 35 percent, and 33 percent respectively.
Bihar’s per capita
NSDP remains the lowest in India. In 1960–61, it was 70 percent of the national
average; by 2005–06 it had fallen to 33 percent, and it remains near that
today.The agricultural workforce has surged, not shrunk, as elsewhere in India.
Between 2017–18 and 2022–23, the number of people working in agriculture jumped
from 12.5 million to 19 million, a 50 percent increase.
This reversal is due
to returning migrants during the pandemic, shutters on local industries, and
declining informal-sector jobs. Most of these workers have shifted into
low-return or subsistence farming—hardly the marker of a resilient economy.
Minimal Investment
Manufacturing in
Bihar has contracted, registering –1.1% growth over five years. The state hosts
only 1.32 percent of India’s industrial units and contributes a negligible 0.5
percent to national factory value added. Its industrial base remains anaemic.
The state ranks 26th
out of 29 in the Ease of Doing Business index. Unsurprisingly, it attracts just
0.29 percent of India’s FDI. Bihar’s share in India’s total exports is only
0.52 percent, and it ranks ninth among ten landlocked states in export
preparedness.
Social Indicators
Underperform
Bihar ranks last or
near last on most human development indicators. It sits at the bottom of NITI
Aayog’s 2024 SDG Index. The state has the highest share of underweight and
wasted children, among the highest infant and neonatal mortality rates, and the
poorest sanitation access in India.
Bihar faces crippling
shortages of doctors, paramedics, nurses, teachers, and university staff.
Around 60,000 health-sector posts remain vacant.The Good Governance Index ranks
Bihar 15th of 18 major states—compounding its economic woes.
Bright Spots: Clean
Water&Data Governance
Despite its grim
overall profile, Bihar has scored well on clean water and sanitation (SDG-6),
ranking third nationally. Initiatives like the Bihar Next-Gen Lab show a shift
toward data-driven governance, though their impact will take time to
materialise.
Kumar’s Mixed Legacy
To his credit, Nitish
Kumar restored law and order after the RJD’s “jungle raj.” He cracked down on
gangs, kidnappings, and extortion, transforming public safety in the state. But
overall this has not made an improvement.
On development, jobs,
investment, and poverty alleviation, however, his record is dismal. With his
political dominance now secure—and the opposition decimated—Nitish faces the
same responsibility he failed to fulfil in 20 years: lifting Bihar out of
chronic backwardness.
His thank-you to the
voters contained no concrete roadmap. Whether Bihar will finally chart a new
path remains an open question—and the nation is watching.---INFA
(Copyright,
India News & Feature Alliance)
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Modi In Bhutan: A Goodwill Visit, By Dr. D.K. Giri, 14 Nov 2025 |
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Round
The World
New Delhi, 14 November 2025
Modi In Bhutan
A Goodwill Visit
By Dr. D.K. Giri
(Prof of Practice, NIIS Group of Institutions)
Prime Minister Narendra Modi was
on a two-day visit to the Himalayan kingdom of Bhutan. This was a short visit
with long-term objectives. Bhutan is strategically critical for India as a
buffer against China. Remember, the military face-off in Doklam, Bhutan. Also,
both countries are bound for centuries with cultural, spiritual and
developmental ties.
On 11 November, the first day of his visit, Modi was
the Guest of Honour on the occasion of the 70th birth anniversary of
His Majesty the Fourth Druck Galpo at the Chamllingphang Stadium. While
reciprocating Modi’s good-will gesture, the King of Bhutan, King Jigme Khesar
Namgyel Wangchuk expressed his country’s gratitude for the presence of the Holy
Piprahwa Relics of Lord Buddha from India which is currently in Thimpu for
public veneration during the Festival.
Modi inaugurated an important Buddhist spiritual
symbol. Bhutan’s Prime Minister elusively acknowledged this, “an accomplished
spiritual master Narendra Modi inaugurated and blessed the sacred Kalachakra
Empowerment which began today as part of ongoing Global Prayer Festival´. Kalachakra
has enormous significance for Buddhists across the world.
However, the key highlight of the visit was the
inauguration of 1020MW Punatsangchhu-II Hydro Electric project. Modi called
this project a ‘Symbol of Friendship, and exemplary cooperation’ between Bhutan
and India. Both countries agreed to resume work on the Punatsangchhu-I and
complete it soon. They welcomed the electricity export from Punatsangchhu to
India. Bhutan gratefully acknowledged India’s contribution of INR 40b for the
energy projects.
Having done the ceremonial parts, Modi, as usual, got
down to business. He promised continued support for Bhutan’s economic growth
and sustainability. He especially, declared support for Bhutan’s 13th five-year
plan with economic stimulus programme that marked India’s commitment to helping
Bhutan secure key development priorities and promote sustainable growth across
sectors. He also expressed support for King Wangchuk’s noble vision for the
Gelephu Mindfullness City.
Modi confirmed that such projects align with India’s
Act-East Policy. Modi announced that immigration check post at Hathisar in
Assam will be set up to facilitate easy movement of investors and visitors to
this promising project at Gelephu. The King appreciated India’s liberal
assistance in building Gyalung academics. Bhutan acknowledged the consecration
of the Royal Bhutan Temple in Rajgir, Bihar and India’s decision to allocate
land in Varanasi for Bhutanese temple and guest house.
Among other things, the contribution of India’s
teachers and healthcare professionals was appreciated in strengthening STEM
Education and Medical Services in Bhutan. According to the Indian delegation,
accompanying Modi, the phase-II of UPI will allow Bhutanese travelers to make
payments in India by using local mobile apps by scanning the QR codes. Three
MoUs were signed during the visit: First was on cooperation in renewable
energy, second cooperation in health and medicine and third, institutional
linkages between the Pema Secretariat, Bhutan and National Institute of Mental
Health and Neuro Sciences (NIMHANS), India. MoUs for two railway links, one,
from Gelephu to Kokrajhar and second, from Samtse, Bhutan to Banarhart, West
Bengal signed in September this year were reviewed. Also, cooperation in
Fertilizer, STEM, Fintech and Space was also reviewed.
India-Bhutan relations have been marked by historical
depth and enduring friendship. It started with the Fourth King Jigme Singye
Wangchuk ascending the thrown at the age of 16 in 1972. Following his father´s
policy of close ties with India, he planned his country´s economy on the Indian
model of Planning Commission. He constituted the Planning Commission for
framing Five-Year Plans. With Indian support, he designed the First Five-Year
Plan after taking over the reins of the country. He aligned Bhutan´s currency
(Ngultrum) with Indian Rupee in 1974 to facilitate bilateral trade and
financial integration.
On diplomatic sector, he aligned his foreign policy
with India`s; for all external initiatives he kept India informed. Bhutan
joined UN in 1971 and SAARC in 1985 as a Founding Member. Bhutan conducted border
dialogues with China in consultant with Indian leadership. This process was
followed on the basis of India-Bhutan Treaty (1949) which provided that Bhutan
would be ´guided by India´ in mutual cooperation and sovereign equality.
However, this treaty was replaced by India-Bhutan Friendship Treaty (2007). On
security, India supported Bhutan in eliminating insurgent camps from Bhutanese
soil in a special project called Operation All Clear (2003).
On economic relations, hydropower cooperation has been
the backbone of Bhutanese economy. With India´s support consisting of a
grant-loan model (60:40), these projects became the bedrock of Bhutan´s export
revenue and India´s clean energy import. In this visit under discussion, Prime
Minister deepened the hydropower cooperation. Modi announced 4,000 crore INR on
concessional credit line for energy projects. He reaffirmed another 10,000
crore INR assistance for Bhutan´s 13th Five-Year Plan for
development across multiple sectors that include infrastructure, agriculture,
finance, and healthcare.
The cultural ties have been a significant component of
India-Bhutan bilateral relations. Bhutan has rich Buddhist heritage. The famous
development economist E.F. Schumacher wrote his legendary essay called
´Buddhist Economy´ after visiting Bhutan. This concept is currently used as ´compassionate
economy´ by scholars across the world. Another rich legacy of the Fourth King
is the concept of Gross National Happiness (GNH) which is recognized globally
as a commendable philosophy. It redefines development focused on human
well-being, not just GDP.
Bhutan visit by Indian Prime Minister holds a critical
security dimension. Bhutan buffers India and China. While Bhutan has intimate
ties with India, it has territorial disputes with China. In 2017, Doklam´s
standoff highlighted the strategic importance of Bhutan as India militarily
intervened to prevent China from building a road in a disputed area between
China and Bhutan. Bhutan allowed Indian troops to enter its territory to resist
Chinese incursions in Doklam. Beijing building the road in Doklam threatened
India´s ´Chicken Neck´ which connects the entire North-Eastern States to the
rest of India. The Chicken Neck which is also called Siliguri Corridor, a small
stretch of land around the city of Siliguri in West Bengal about 20-22 kms at
the narrowest section. Bhutan lies at the Northern end of the Corridor and has
disputed borders with China. Chinese military was trying to come close to the `chicken
neck´ through Doklam. This corridor also connects as a transfer point with
Bhutan, Nepal, Bangladesh, Sikkim (now in India). According to the Indian Army,
the Siliguri Corridor is the army´s strongest defensive line.
The Prime Minister`s visit though appears to be a
goodwill step, rejuvenated the multi-dimensional India-Bhutan partnership. Cooperation
in hydropower, connectivity, innovation, spiritual bonds, constitute a model of
mutual trust, respect and shared prosperity. What is more, Bhutan, for its
strategic location is critical for India; hence the importance of maintaining
the model. ---INFA
(Copyright, India
News & Feature Alliance)
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TOWARDS A BETTER PARTY SYSTEM, By Inder Jit, 13 Nov 2025 |
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REWIND
New
Delhi, 13 November 2025
TOWARDS
A BETTER PARTY SYSTEM
By
Inder Jit
(Released
on 10 February 1987)
Welcome words have been
spoken again on India’s party system --- this time by the Prime Minister while
addressing the concluding function of the UP Vidhan Parisahd Centenary
Celebrations in Lucknow last week. Mr. Rajiv Gandhi stressed the need for
having two or three strong political parties in the country to strengthen
democracy beyond the threat of dilution. Elaborating the point, he is reported
to have stated that principles got reduced to superfluity because of
multiplicity of political parties. This damaged both the national interest and
the democratic process. Expectedly, the statement has evinced keen interest all
round. But, as experience has shown, words by themselves are not enough,
howsoever laudable. In fact, similar sentiments have been expressed over the
past four decades --- first by Nehru and thereafter by Indira Gandhi as Prime
Minister. Little effort has been made over the years to find an answer to the
problem posed: Can something be done in the light of experience elsewhere? If
so, what and how?
West Germany has much to
offer in curbing the malady of multiplicity of parties --- and, indeed, more
strengthening the system. During the Weimar Republic, prior to the rise of
Hitler, Germany was plagued by a plethora of political parties --- and instability.
Governments fell like nine pins. In fact, Hitler took advantage of the people’s
disgust for uncertainty to abuse the country’s democratic Constitution and its
emergency provisions and impose a dictatorship. The end of World War II saw a
nationwide reaction against 12 years of Nazi tyranny and a desire for a
Constitution which would not only be democratic on the face of it but also
guarantee a stable political and economic future. On May 24, 1949, West Germany
gave itself the Basic Law which unequivocally states the following vital
elements: All State authority emanates from the people. The legislature, the
executive and the judiciary are independent institutions. (This separation of
power ensures a system of mutual control of power.) The State exists for the
sake of the people, not vice versa as in totalitarian States --- fascist or
communist.
The Basic Law has much to
commend itself: public funding of elections and the pragmatic combination of
direct election for first-past-the-post and the list system on proportional
representation basis. Even more important for India’s immediate need is the
incorporation in the system of a simple device to cut down the multiplicity of
parties: only parties which command at least 5 per cent of the votes or hold three
direct mandates in the Federal Territory can be represented in the Bundestag.
This five per cent clause was introduced to prevent splinter groups from
entering Parliament and rendering it unable to function as they had during the
Weimar era. At the first general election in 1949, eleven parties obtained
seats in the Bundestag. This figure fell to seven parties at the next election
in 193 and then to five in 1957. Until 1983, only four parties held seats in
the Bundestag even though some 20 or so entered the field each time. They are
the CDU, CSU, SPD and FDP. In 1983, the Greens made their entry into the
Bundestag, taking the total number of parties in the House to five.
We must also ensure that
they function in a healthy way. The West German Basic Law takes care of this.
There is no scope in it for what may be described as private limited companies
or private mercenary armies masquerading as political parties. There is no
scope in it either for arbitrary splits, often based on personal, subjective
interest and the absurd spectacle of each existing leader starting a new party
and claiming himself to be a national leader without even a hundred followers.
The West German system has avoided all this through the fundamental provision
of a law on political parties. The founding fathers of the Basic Law recognized
two vital points. Competing political parties must be enabled to discharge
various tasks of political leadership and supervisory functions in a spirit of
responsibility and freedom vis-à-vis the nation as a whole. Second, attempt to
trust blindly the free play of forces would amount to ignoring the lessons of
history and understanding the latent inclination towards monopolisation.
Apart from the Constitution,
which sets out the main points of party legislation, the law on political
parties (Parteingesetz) has now become one of the most important guidelines to
policy formation. Furtheremore, the conduct of political parties is also
regulated by relevant provisions in the electoral laws for the Federal
Government and the ten Landers (Federal States), the law governing public
meetings, the broadcasting legislation and the Civil Code with its general
clauses on the composition and statutes of association as well as various tax
laws. The law on political parties comprises 41 Articles which are classified
under the following seven sections: (i) Constitutional status and functions of
the parties; (ii) Internal organization; (iii) Nomination of candidates for
election; (iv) Principles and purview of election expenses; (v) Rendering of
accounts; (vi) Implementation of the ban on unconstitutional parties; and (vii)
concluding provisions on, for example, the introduction of tax relief for
donations and party laws. The law grants the parties a legal status and entitles
them to parity of treatment from all public authorities.
Importantly, the Law
stipulates the various elements of a democratic party organization. These
embrace inter alia its administrative structure from the grassroots to supreme
bodies, its written statues and programmes, regular party conferences, election
of the party organs including in particular the executive committees, the
setting up of party courts for arbitration and the rights to be accorded to
party members. Expulsion from the party is only possible if a member
deliberately infringes the statues or gravely contravenes the principles of
rules of the party. Equal importance attaches to rendering public account of
the origin of party funds in accordance with various specified categories. Books
and statements of account of a party in respect of the origin of its funds are
required to be submitted to the President of the Bundestag annually. Parties
which fail to comply are barred from getting reimbursement of their election
campaign expenses on the basis of votes received. Party candidates for election
to Parliament are required to be chosen by secret ballot by the members of
delegates elected by them.
Some West German politicians
have, over the years, successfully got around the provision relating to
rendering public account of the origin of party funds. A major scandal on this
score burst upon an unsuspecting West German nation a few years ago. One of the
country’s leading industrialists by the name of Mr. Flick, who was once close
to Hitler, took advantage of some loop holes in the law to gain colossal tax
gains through a quid pro involving direct and indirect funding of political
parties. A new law has now been enacted to plug the loop holes and place
greater emphasis on what an expert in Bonn described last autumn as
“transparency of public financing”. West German political parties are now
required to give much more detailed information about the monies received by
them and how these have been spent. In fact, the main change relates more to expenses.
At the same time, the new law has barred political parties from receiving funds
from various Foundations associated with them. If a political party violates
the new law enacted in 1984, then twice the amount illegally taken by it is
deducted from the funds due to be paid to it by the State for the votes polled.
Stability has been ensured
through the provision in the Constitution of a constructive vote of
no-confidence used for the first time in the Bundestag in 1982 by the new
coalition of Christian Democrats and Free Democrats to topple Mr. Schmidt,
leader of Social Democrats, and install Mr. Kohl as the new Chancellor in a
historic secret vote. Under the provision, which seeks to make a negative
no-trust vote positive, a Chancellor, who has lost the majority, can be brought
down in mid-term only if his successor can muster a majority. In other words,
Parliamentarians are barred from playing havoc with national stability and
interest on the basis of their personal whims or fancies. The founding fathers
of the Basic Law were clear that defeating a Government on the floor of the
House was not enough in a system with more than two parties. Those seeking a
change of Government must simultaneously provide an alternative in the national
interest. Adoption of such a constructive vote of no-confidence in India could
ensure greater stability in the States and also provide for a situation in
which no single party has a clear majority at the Centre.
All the ideas are exciting –
and stimulating. If accepted and implemented, we in India could then curb the
multiplicity of parties --- and also have truly democratic parties and a
healthier party system. As I have stated earlier, there would then be no scope
for what may be described as private limited companies or personal armies
masquerading as political parties claiming to work for the common man and the
best national interest when, in fact, they are only serving their own petty
interest as in the case of the Pindaries of yester centuries. Almost without
exception, none of our political parties can be said to be functioning
democratically. True, all the parties have written constitutions. But there is
no law to enforce them --- little commitment to healthy conventions and
traditions as in Britain. The mightiest of all, the Congress-I has not had any
organizational election for years. Clearly, India needs what West Germany
already has: a device to cut down the number of parties and a law on political
parties. There is no other way if we are serious about strengthening our party
system and, indeed, our parliamentary democracy. ---INFA
(Copyright, India News and Feature Alliance)
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Emissions Reduction: GRIM FUTURE AHEAD, By Dhurjati Mukherjee, 12 Nov 2025 |
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Open
Forum
New Delhi, 12 November 2025
Emissions Reduction
GRIM FUTURE AHEAD
By Dhurjati Mukherjee
Seas are rising, forests are burning and
governments are still courting fossil fuel companies as if none of this is
happening. As the Earth crossed a crucial, irreversible climate tipping point,
the scale of destruction seems too vast and the climate-deniers too influential
to foresee the looming environmental crisis. The future
scenario appears grim but governments the world over are in no way seriously
concerned about it. Conferences come and go, pledges taken and targets set but
they are rarely adhered to.
Just a few days’ back, a new UN report
assessing countries against climate action pledges stated that the current
commitments would collectively reduce global carbon emissions by 11% by 2030
and about 17% by 2035 from the 2019 levels. Though this would be the first ever
decline, the extent of the fall would be far short of the 60% reduction
required to limit global warming by 1.50 Celsius. Even the 20
C limit would not be achieved.
The report, released just before the coming
COP30 (which has started in Brazil from November 10) synthesised information
from 64 countries’ new nationally determined contributions (NDCs) though the
major emitters including China, India and the European Union have yet to submit
their new targets.
The level of carbon dioxide in the atmosphere
touched an all-time high in 2024, setting theground for Earth’s warming to
aggravate further, according to another recent report by the World
Meteorological Organisation (WMO). It blamed the CO2 surge from continued
emissions from human activities and an upsurge from wildfires besides the
waning carbon absorption capacity of land ecosystems and the ocean. “The heat
trapped by CO2 and other greenhouse gases is turbo-charging our climate and
leading to more extreme weather. Reducing emissions is therefore essential not
just for our climate but also for our economic security”, the WMO Deputy Secretary
General aptly pointed out. But it remains doubtful how many countries are serious
in their approach in reducing emissions and adhering to environmental
standards.
The report comes just before the COP30
climate summit being held in Belem, Brazil. But such conferences are held every
year with lofty promises and long-term programmes, most of which are not kept
by different nations. This report, apart from CO2, which had tripled
since1960s,rose exponentially by 3,5 ppm in 2024, the largest ever since modern
measurements started in 1957. Apart from this whose rise may be attributed to
drier vegetation and forest fires, trends are similar for methane and nitrous
oxide, the other critical GHG gases. Methane accounts for around 16% of the
warming effect on the climate while nitrous oxide, the globally averaged
concentration reached 338ppb in 2024, an increase of 24% over the
pre-industrial levels.
As regards India is concerned, India reported
the highest absolute increase in emissions – with an addition of 165 million
tonnes of greenhouse gas during 2023-24 -- followed by China, Russia, Indonesia
and the US, as per the recently released UN Emissions Gap Report 2025. The
report confirmed that India is caught in a climate justice trap. While the
country’s low per capita emissions are a moral high ground, its rising total
emissions, lack of proper reporting and non-submission of an NDC 3.0 put the
country in a tight spot, observed experts
The traditional high emission industries,
including aluminium, cement and pulp and paper will have to reduce the
intensity of their greenhouse gas emissions to meet specific targets by 2026-27
compared to a 2023-24 baseline, as government notified rules for the country’s
first legally binding emission reduction target for such carbon-heavy
industries. The rules notified by the environment ministry (in early October)
make it mandatory for 282 industrial units to reduce GHG emissions per unit of
product beginning 2025-26. These are notified under the compliance mechanism of
Carbon Credit Trading Scheme (CCTS) 2023. The highest number of industrial
units (186) that will have to reduce GHG emission intensity within a specified
time belong to the cement sector followed by pulp and paper (53), plants that
use chlor-alkali process to extract certain chemicals (30) and aluminium plants
(13).
Meanwhile, the air quality not just in Delhi
but also in Kolkata has been deteriorating though the onset of winter is at
least three weeks away. Obviously, the control of emissions is not up to the
mark despite various regulations. It needs to be reiterated that the monitoring
mechanism regarding environmental guidelines and laws remains much to be
desired.
In India’s resolve to achieve net-zero
emissions by 2070, the spotlight has largely been on renewable energy, carbon
markets and industrial decarbonisation. As of now, it appears that the target
set is quite challenging, but these are, no doubt, essential. However, there is
another facet relating to public procurement, which incidentally is a
significant contributor to the country’s emission footprint. Procurement
decisions cannot ignore environmental factors, making future carbonisation
costlier and more complex. This is specially important in areas of public transport,
construction materials or the long-term performance of public buildings.
India is not a signatory to the WTO’s
Agreement on Government Procurement and there is no unified national law either
in this regard. Meanwhile, the EU has embedded environmental standards into its
procurement system. Also, South Korea, way back in 2005, encourages agencies to
set voluntary green procurement targets and rewarded high performers with
fiscal incentives. In view of this, India could adopt a somewhat similar approach,
at least in some sectors.
It has been estimated that a 15-20% cut in
procurement linked emissions in line with international benchmarks could avoid
88-115 million tonnes of CO2-equivalent annually. Even
a modest 1% improvement in procurement efficiency could save around Rs 70,000
crore. Experts have rightly suggested that sustainability criteria should be
embedded in tender templates, compliance monitored and performance publicly
reported. Thus, it is expected that in the coming years green procurement would
be adhered to cut emissions, driving innovation and building a green economy.
As has been pointed out in earlier reports
and in the present one, the updated pledges are not adequate enough to get the
desirable of keeping global warming within 2 degrees Celsius thus, controlling
the escalation of emissions is indeed quite challenging, considering areas such
as transport, construction and industrial sectors are not monitored strictly.
The lack of a strong governance mechanism, deep-rooted corruption of officials
and an unholy nexus between political leaders and businessmen are obviously the
reasons for slackness in controlling emissions. And it is the poor and
marginalised sections who are most affected in various ways due to uncontrolled
emissions and have to bear the brunt of the business houses who are all out to
maximise profit without bothering for the community.
Why can’t the Indian government implement the
‘polluter pays’ principle, which is being talked and accepted the world over?
Is it because the government does not want to be strict on business houses from
whom political funding comes? This obviously cannot continue, when the looming
environmental crisis is accentuating at a fast pace and affecting the lives of
the people in different ways every year. It is time that the government changes
its stand and acts tough by taking a strong stand to save the country from
impending disaster and the looming environmental crisis.---INFA
(Copyright, India
News & Feature Alliance)
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Religious Gush: ALL IN NAME OF FAITH, By Poonam I Kaushish, 11 Nov 2025 |
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Political Diary
New Delhi,, 11 November 2025
Religious
Gush
ALL IN
NAME OF FAITH
By
Poonam I Kaushish
As the
last vote is in ballot box in Bihar wherein beside caste, it was a battle royale between the Gods as our political undatas busily churned the political cauldron underscoring communication
is all about rabble rousing, spreading hatred and widening the communal divide
on religious lines.
Unfortunately, instead of asking rivals what
they brought to the table and their vision about the State’s future all fell prey
to poll exigencies. Why do we revel in creating dissonance and divisiveness?
And masquerade interests as principles? And why do we love churning the
Ram-Rahim wheel a full circle in the electoral arena?
Turn North, South, East or West the story is
the same. Religion in politics is turning out to being a vote spinner. An
issue which is close to our leaders’ heart and on their permanent radar to woo
voters with. Who cares if it is
destructive, stokes communal violence, sows seeds of rabid communalism and
ghettosiation of religion unleashing a
Frankenstein?
All to
sway sentiments before elections in all religions whereby every Party is
stoking the fire, hoping it would gain dividends underscoring the games
politicians play at the altar of political expediency. To keep their gullible
vote-banks emotionally charged so that their own ulterior motives are
well-served.
In Bihar India Bloc Parties were busy wooing Muslims by giving
tickets to candidates from the community. With more than two crore population,
Muslims comprise nearly 17.7% of the State’s population as BJP tried to consolidate its Hindu vote bank.
In adjoining UP police is busy removing 1400 loudspeakers at
religious spaces after complaints of widespread violations of prescribed voice
limits. Enough to ignite a rabid volley of Hindu-Muslim tu-tu-mein-mein.
Yesterday a video surfaced of Muslims offering namaz at Bengaluru airport and as always a slanging match
between BJP-Congress with the former asking if permission had been granted to
offer prayers at a public space and demanded accountability, despite a prayer
room within the terminal. Asking why State Government continued to restrict RSS
activities, Patha Sanchalana after obtaining due permission?
With the State set for polls next year, countered Chief
Minister Siddaramiah, “The order regulates activities of private organisations
on Government properties and RSS is not in the order. Sic.
Amid the
cacophony the Chief Minister instructed Chief Secretary to study measures taken
by Tamil Nadu Government to restrict
RSS’s activities. Though there are no specific “rules” there to curb RSS
activities, rather, the Dravidian, anti-Brahmin movement has historically made
it hard for RSS to penetrate the State. This, in turn, has made it easier for Government
to impose restrictions, despite a constant push back. All resulting in
centrifugal bickerings.
Questionably,
what do acrimonious allegations achieve? Zilch. Only the aam aadmi became targets. Forgetting, creating controversy and a divide
doesn’t achieve anything and neither does insult of a creed.
Alas, our netas have made religion the tour de force of politics wherein the electoral incentive to use religion is
too strong as it has salience and appeal. Thus, in a milieu of
competitive democracy which blots pledges of development, if politics based on
religion ensures convergence of electoral booty, increase popularity and has
better chances of polarising voters, so be it.
Congress
accuses BJP for engineering Hindu majoritarian communal style of politics by
using tactics like attempting to electorally marginalise Muslims to patronising
communal violence. Opposition despite taking its opponent to task over its
anti-minority plank and opposing aggressive Hindutva consolidation, doesn’t
want to be labeled “pro-Muslim.” Reading the
‘Muslim mind’ as an anti-BJP phenomenon on which they base their political
strategy.
Undeniably, BJP’s new Hindutva rajneeti
of polarization is attempting to make inroads into regions with little or no
significant minority presence as it revolves around Sab Ka Saaath, Sab Ka Vikas which reads: There is no need to treat
Muslims as a separate social entity. Yet it realizes the ‘Muslim mind’ is
problematic and slams its rival as ‘Muslim Party’ part of “tukde-tukde gang” which protects
terrorists, “working on Pakistan’s agenda” and belongs there.
True, religion
is clearly a massive emotional, spiritual and vote leveler. Given our netas use religion to increase their
vote-banks, pitting Hindus against Muslims for political nirvana. Who cares if it creates
fissiparous tendencies resulting in a communal divide?
India’s misfortune is that Hindu, Muslim and
Christian fundamentalism is growing thanks to political and intellectual
double-speak. Whereby, secularism has degenerated from its lofty ideal of equal
respect for all religions to a cheap and diabolical strategy for creating
captive religious vote-banks. With our netagan
refusing to acknowledge they are culprits.
Clearly,
in a milieu of competitive democracy, if caste politics ensures convergence of
electoral booty, politics based on religion has better chance of polarising
voters via vicious poison tongued
speeches inducing raw emotions of hostility and hate.
Sadly, politics has meandered into narrow confines of
polarisation and appeasement rhetoric not only spreading hatred but also widened
the communal divide pitting Hindus, Muslims and Christians. There is no desire to uphold equal respect
for various faiths. Instead, unashamedly use religion to with voters.
Undoubtedly,
this ping-pong over warped religious nationalism
spun by our netagan, Parties,
self-styled religious-political authorities and their cheerleaders is dangerous.
When selfish vote-banks politics dictate our polity’s political ideology,
attitude and stance is fashioned according to the electorate’s diktat then all
stand tarred by the same brush.
Time Parties
realize the collateral damage it causes will be permanent. Both are destroyers
of the State, which has no religious entity except Constitution. Thus, our
moral angst cannot be selective but should be just an honourable.
In the present political scenario if our leaders could
segregate religion from politics, the problem of communal violence would end. To
combat this will require iron political will, a compact between all Parties on no
use of religion for vote-bank politics. Unfortunately, India’s current
fragmented political arena holds out little hope for such an eventuality.
In the
ultimate our petty-power-at-all-cost polity needs to think beyond vote-bank
politics and desist from playing the religious card for vote-bank gains, abstain
from using creed as a pedestal to stand on to be seen and look beyond the
perilous implications of their decisions wherein the country is being pushed
towards brazen communalism and delink religion from politics.
Their Constitutional office calls for sagacity and restraint. They need to do
a cost-benefit analysis and realize a nation is primarily a fusion of minds and
hearts and secondarily a geographical entity. All must desist from succumbing and
using religion for converting religious gush into political slush!
The aim should be to raise the bar on governance and equality, not lower
it any more. Parties need to realize the collateral damage it causes will be
permanent. Remember, wounds do not heal for ages. They need to desist using
religion as
an elevator to power and Heaven which all are scrambling to get on. As, neither
Lord Ram nor Allah will forgive them for playing havoc in its name. ---- INFA
(Copyright, India News & Feature
Alliance)
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