REWIND

New Delhi, 25 December 2025

LEADERS FAIL PARLIAMENT

By Inder Jit

(Released on 20 December 1983) 

Parliament and its proceedings have seldom caused greater anguish all round than during the current session, now drawing to a close, not only acknowledged experts but ordinary folk are beginning to ask: Is Parliament serving any purpose? Both the Lok Sabha and the Rajya Sabha have outwardly continued to hit the headlines. Nevertheless, popular interest in their proceedings has plummeted and is today as low as in the lifeless review of Parliament put out daily by the Doordarshan late in the night under the title: Parliament News. What is worse, Parliament seems to make less and less impact on the executive. Nothing illustrates this more poignantly than the explosive Punjab situation. Unlike at any time in its history, both Houses demanded that law and order be enforced firmly in the state. The Speaker of the Lok Sabha, Mr Balram Jakhar, too, expressed himself boldly as never before. But nothing came out of the entire exercise. The Union Home Minister, Mr P.C. Sethi, merely sat back, presenting a pathetic picture of indecision and helplessness.

That was at zero hour on Monday, December 5 --- three days after Mr Jakhar felt compelled to convey to the Home Minister the strong feeling of the House on Sant Bhindranwale's provocative statements and to firmly direct Mr Sethi to report on what action was taken. Yet Mr Sethi merely did two things. First, he appealed to the Akali Chief, Sant Harchand Singh Longowal, and the SGPC President, Mr Gurcharan Singh Tohra, to ask Sant Bhindranwale to leave Nanak Niwas and surrender to the authorities. Second, he advised Sant Bhindranwale to surrender where cases had been registered against him by the police. The issue came up in the Lok Sabha again later that day when the House discussed reports about training camps for Punjab terrorists. Members from both sides of the House renewed their demand for stern action. However, Mr Sethi said it would not be proper to discuss in the House the details of what the Government intended to do and added: "These are matters which have to be dealt with at an appropriate level by a competent authority,"

Appropriately, the Rajya Sabha as the Council of States took up the issue the following day --Tuesday, December 6. Leading members from both sides of the House urged the Government to give up forthwith its "policy of drift" and take strong and pragmatic measures to stem the tide of extremist violence in Punjab. Mr Harkishan Singh Surjeet, CPM, seemed to air the strong feelings of the House as he said that Mr Sethi's statement (in the Lok Sabha) was most disappointing and did not reflect the gravity of the situation nor did it give any idea about how the Government proposed to tackle it. But Mr Sethi again declined to say anything on the members' demand for immediate action against Sant Bhindranwale. He repeated what he had stated in the Lok Sabha. It would not be proper for him to discuss the details at present. "Kindly leave the matter to competent authorities." However, he did give one bit of information. Eight first information reports had been filed against the militant Sikh leader since February this year.

Matters did not mercifully end with one angry outburst. The issue came up again in the Lok Sabha a week later – on Monday, December 12 – when the irrepressible Mr Maniram Bagri, Lok Dal, disclosed that the Speaker was now on Sant Bhindranwale's "hit list" because of his stern directive to the Government for action against the latter’s inflammatory statements. Mr Jakhar told the House that whatever he had said was “in the line of duty” and he was not bothered if his name was on any hit list. He then turned to the Government and observed that anybody who talked in terms of killing others should be caught and punished. The Rajya Sabha, too, expressed concern over the reported threat to the Speaker. The Deputy Chairman, Mr. Sham Lal Yadav, said the whole institution of Parliament was being threatened. He asked the Government to take “strong measures” to ensure the safety of the Speaker. The Leader of the House, Mr. Pranab Mukherjee, assured the House that “all steps” would be taken. When members pointedly suggested “arrest” of the Sant, Mr. Mukherjee merely said the Government would not hesitate to take the necessary measures.

Not surprisingly, Mrs Gandhi is widely blamed for the sad state of affairs, informally admitted to be "humiliating" by Congress-I MPs too. She is both Prime Minister and the Leader of the House and as such is expected to uphold the dignity of Parliament and to preserve its priceless heritage. (At least one MP in the Lok Sabha movingly recalled the time when Sardar Patel, India's Iron Man, was the Home Minister.) Unfortunately, Mrs Gandhi continues to treat Parliament lightly and has generally been conspicuous by her absence from the two chambers on major or controversial issues. One looked in vain for her when the Lok Sabha, for instance, discussed the Punjab issue on Monday, December 5 following the Home Minister's prepared statement (Some members, visibly provoked by Mr Sethi's eloquent silence on specific questions, pointedly demanded a statement from the Prime Minister.) There was no sign of Mrs Gandhi either when the two Houses held a mid-term appraisal of the Sixth Plan or discussed the price situation which does not seem to have created any problem for most Congress-I MPs.

The Opposition is, however, no less to blame. Their top leaders are equally conspicuous by their absence from the Lok Sabha on crucial occasions. Most of them generally come to the House only on special occasions to make a speech. Perhaps, they have good reason to become cynical over the years. The present Government invariably functions as a brute majority and generally refuses to play the parliamentary game according to rules. But in doing so they show ignorance of parliamentary practice and tactics. Nothing is achieved by raising an issue just once and in delivering a broadside, howsoever powerful. Issues have to be pursued, especially where public passions are roused or basic principles and values are involved. The late H.N. Kamath and Thakur Das Bhargava achieved a lot more through patience and perseverance than many latter day orators. In the case of Punjab, an intervention in the discussion on December 2 or 5 by Mr Charan Singh, as a former Prime Minister, or by Mr Jagjivan Ram, Mr Chandra Shekhar or Mr Vajpayee should have made all the difference. They had a clear notice of three days.

Consequently, Parliament has lost some of its effectiveness and the executive has got away with murder time and again. What is more, truth has often become one of the major casualties. All kinds of statistics and figures were, for instance, trotted out during the discussion on the Sixth Plan and soaring prices. But at the end confusion became worse confounded and few were any the wiser. Time was when facts were sacred and comment free -- as in the fourth estate in the years gone by. Today, facts have tended to become free and are often fabricated, bringing to mind the Churchillian quip: There are three kinds of lies today. Lies, damn lies and statistics." The various price indices -- wholesale, retail, consumer and what have you -- bear little relation to facts in the market. Every Government makes its own statistical claims in regard to various matters, such as the number of people still below the poverty line. Ironically, no Opposition leader has thought it fit to demand an institution which can give the country objective, credible facts.

Our country has always laid store by truth. The Constitution makers, therefore, advisedly opted for satyamewa jayate as free India's motto. Truth is basic to Parliament and nothing is considered unpardonable at Westminster, the mother of Parliaments', than a lie told in its sanctum sanctorum. Profumo had to go because he told a lie on the floor of the Commons and not because he went to bed with Christine Keeler. Since parliamentary democracy provides for rule by discussion and consensus, great emphasis is placed on facts -- authentic and credible -- and every effort made to ensure an informed debate. In Britain, the Government makes it a point to present "Command Papers" considered to be of interest to Parliament whose presentation is not required by the statute. Often it issues white Papers for purposes of debate or consultation prior to final government decision. Yet, a legitimate demand in the Rajya Sabha for a White Paper on the Punjab situation was rejected by Mr Sethi on the facetious plea that "all the facts are known."

Many unprintable stories are today heard in Parliament's Central Hall about the Union Government's inaction and impotence vis-a-vis Punjab. All this may be fun and one that has tended to add a much-needed sparkle to the dull and largely lack-lustre atmosphere of the historic hall. (Where oh where are the well-informed MPs?) But it raises certain basic questions of vital interest to Parliament and its future. On the very day the Rajya Sabha was agitatedly clamouring for Government's mind on Punjab, namely on Tuesday, December 6, the Prime Minister reportedly met some of her party MPs informally on Punjab and gave the impression that she wanted the law and order problem in the state dealt with first. She should instead have come before one or the other House and taken Parliament into confidence -- something none of her colleagues, alas, are in a position to do. Either we stand for parliamentary democracy or we do not. Mrs Gandhi is welcome to have her reservations. But she has a duty to Parliament --and to an anxious nation. ---INFA.

(Copyright, India News and Feature Alliance)

Round The World

New Delhi, 26 December 2025

India-New Zealand FTA

NEW CHAPTER IN BILATERAL TIES

By Dr. D.K. Giri

(Prof of Practice, NIIS Group of Institutions) 

India and New Zealand have just concluded negotiations on a comprehensive Free Trade Agreement (FTA) marking a significant milestone in their economic partnership. The negotiations, finalised on 22 December aim at doubling the bilateral trade over the next five years, synergising the respective strengths of both countries. Union Minister for Commerce, Piyush Goel with his New Zealand counterpart Todd McClay with their respective teams, closed the negotiations in New Delhi. 

To mention the key highlights of the Agreement, India will gain zero-duty access for all goods exports to New Zealand, while New Zealand will receive duty concessions on 70 per cent of India’s tariff lines, covering 95 per cent of its export to India. 

On investment, New Zealand has committed to facilitating investments amounting to 20b USD in India over the next 15 years. Such investments will focus on manufacturing, infrastructure, services and innovation. On service sector, in which India has competitive advantage owing to its large base of manpower, New Delhi has secured commitments across 118 services including IT, professional services, education, financial services, tourism and construction. On people’s mobility, again, one of the India’s top priorities, the Agreement includes a dedicated quota of 5000 temporary employment visas for Indian professionals and 1000 on work and holiday visas. 

If we look at sectoral opportunities, four major sectors may receive a boost out of this Agreement. They are textiles, apparel, pharmaceuticals, agriculture, IT and services. Zero-duty access in textile and apparel improves India’s price competitiveness in 1.9b USD textiles import market of New Zealand. 

Pharmaceuticals will have increased access to New Zealand’s 1.4b USD pharmaceutical import market. Cooperation in agricultural productivity will benefit India with New Zealand establishing Centres of Excellence for apples, Kiwi fruit, and honey. India’s IT sector is poised to benefit from enhanced access to New Zealand’s growing service market. 

The strategic significance of the FTA between India and New Zealand is part of New Delhi’s broader strategy to diversify its exports and strengthen ties with countries in the Indo-Pacific region. The Agreement is most likely to enhance economic growth, create jobs and increase people-to-people connections. Furthermore, it aligns with India’s Act East Policy and New Zealand’s Indo-Pacific Strategy. 

While it sounds all good, the Agreement might come across some challenges during its implementation. These include the usual Non-Tariff Barriers (NTBs) on account of divergent regulatory standards, exclusion of India’s dairy sector, implementation capacity – constraints of MSMEs and service providers and potential competition for Indian industries. However, both countries are working on addressing these potential challenges through continued dialogue and cooperation. 

New Delhi safeguarded the interests of its farmers and dairy producers, which is considered politically sensitive. That is why India made no concessions on import of dairy products, onions, sugar, spices, edible oils and rubber. Piyush Goel said, “The government has been sensitive in protecting interests of farmers and dairy producers”. He added, “Rice, wheat, soya and various other agricultural products have not been opened up with any access”. 

On the other hand, New Zealand’s Foreign Minister Winston Peters criticised the deal, saying it gives too much away, especially on immigration, and does not benefit New Zealand’s dairy farmers. He said in post X, on Monday, “The FTA is neither free nor fair” and warned that it is a ‘bad deal for New Zealand as it gets too little from India’. 

It is understandable as Peters belongs to a party called New Zealand First, with a nationalist political ideology and a partner in the ruling coalition. Peters also cautioned their coalition partner not to “rush into concluding a low-quality deal with India as getting parliamentary majority for that deal was uncertain”. However, according to Peters himself, the Prime Minister Luxon did not heed his pleas and chose to conclude the deal pending the formal signing of the Agreement. 

Hailing the FTA, to be signed in the first of 2026, Prime Minister Narendra Modi said, “Concluded in just nine months, the historic milestone reflects a strong political will and shared ambition to deepen economic ties between our two countries”.  Perhaps Modi had in the back of his mind over 16-year negotiations for an FTA with the European Union which are still not over. PM Modi spoke to his New Zealand counterpart Christopher Luxon over the phone when the two leaders jointly announced conclusion of the “historic, ambitious, and mutually beneficial India-New Zealand Free Trade Agreement. 

According to an official statement, from the External Affairs Ministry, the FTA would significantly deepen bilateral economic engagement, enhance market access, promote investment flows, strengthen strategic cooperation between the two countries, and also open up new opportunities for innovators, entrepreneurs, farmers, MSMEs, students and youths of both countries across various sectors. 

Specifically, on the economic impact, the FTA is projected to double the bilateral trade within five years that is largely due to India’s exports to New Zealand availing zero-duty access on almost all tariff lines. At the same time, New Zealand’s exports to India are expected to increase by 1.1b USD to 1.3b USD annually over the next two decades. So, the Agreement is likely to deliver overall economic benefits by creating new opportunities for businesses of both countries. Indian exporters can explore new opportunities in sectors like textiles, pharmaceuticals and agriculture while New Zealand’s companies can benefit from India’s growing market for services, manufacturing and infrastructure. MSMEs and Startups in both countries with comparative advantage to India in numbers of such entities, can leverage the Agreement to expand their footprints. 

The Agreement will help Indian exporters, reeling under the impact of unexpected 50 per cent tariffs imposed by the Trump Administration on Indian goods. Since then, Indian exporters have been diversifying their shipments to the India-Pacific region. India has already signed a trade pact with Australia. Commerce Minister Goel assured that the Agreement with New Zealand will provide a fillip to labour-intensive sectors such as textiles, apparel, leather, rubber, footwear and home décor. It will also encourage export of automobiles, auto components, machinery, electronic goods and electrical and pharmaceutical products. 

The employment visas although temporary, will cover AYUSH practitioners, Yoga instructors, Indian chefs and music teachers, as well as from high-demand sectors like IT, engineering, healthcare, education,  and construction, strengthening professional and semi-professional mobility and services personnel. 

The India-New Zealand FTA is expected to be signed in coming months, paving a new way for its implementation. Both countries are working on addressing the possible challenges while maximising the benefits accruing from this Agreement. At any rate, with the FTA, India and New Zealand are set to take their bilateral trade to the next level. This Agreement should also deliver concomitant political and strategic benefits. Credit for having another FTA with a country in the Indo-Pacific region must be given to the current Indian government. ---INFA 

(Copyright, India News & Feature Alliance)

Open Forum

New Delhi, 24 December 2025

Rare Earth Elements

GEOPOLITICAL BARGAINING CHIP

By Dhurjati Mukherjee 

Rare earth elements (REEs) have come into sharp focus in recent times, with the search for minerals such as neodymium, praseodymium, dysprosium and terbium gathering momentum in India. These elements power modern life—ranging from electric vehicles and wind turbines to smartphones and defence systems. Dubbed the “new oil,” REEs have also emerged as a geopolitical bargaining chip, with China controlling nearly 90 per cent of global processing capacity. India, however, has accorded the sector high priority, and the outcomes of this push are likely to become evident in the coming years.  

In fact, the Centre recently notified the Scheme to Promote Manufacturing of Sintered Rare Earth Permanent Magnet (REPM) with an outlay of Rs 7280 crore. The scheme aims to establish an integrated manufacturing facility annum of rare earth permanent magnets. with a capacity of 6000 metric tonnes and is destined to make the country self-sufficient in the not-too-distant future. The government will allot manufacturing capacity to five beneficiaries through global competitive bidding. Each beneficiary will be allotted an annual capacity of up to 1200 million tonne. This will obviously go a long way in reducing dependence on China for critical inputs and secure supply chains for EVs, electronics, aerospace and green energy. 

At the last G-20 summit at Johannesburg in South Africa, a Critical Minerals Circulatory Initiative was proposed by Prime Minister Modi as clean energy was essential and critical minerals have a huge role to play. “This initiative can support joint research, technology standards and pilot recycling facilities in the Global South”, said he. Obviously, this comes amid concerns of China leveraging its chokehold over supply of rare and critical minerals to further its strategic goals.  

India is among the three countries having the highest reserves of rare earth. It is envisaged that the country will be among the leading producers of permanent magnets in the coming years. The scheme will be in place for seven years from the date of award, including a two-year gestation period for setting up the manufacturing facility. 

Keeping in view the expanding applications of rare earths, it is gratifying that the government has planned a major push to strengthen its rare earth magnet manufacturing capacity, with the government considering a proposal to nearly triple the size of its incentive programme to more than Rs 70 billion ($788 million), reported Bloomberg. The move aims to build domestic capability in a critical industry that is currently dominated by China. According to the report, the new plan represents a major step up from the earlier $290 million initiative, which was focused on ensuring supplies of essential materials for electric vehicles, renewable energy, and defence sectors. 

Current estimates put the reserves of China at 66 million tonnes, far ahead of India (6.9 MT) and the US(1.9 MT). Today the Chinese control around 61 percent of REE mining and well over 90 percent of processing. They also have a technological lead in the field, which is even recognised by the US. India’s production went up from 445 kilo tonnes per annum in FY20 to 532 KTPA in FY24, which shows a steady rise and may increase further in the coming years. 

At present, India produces about 8 of the 17 rare earths, mainly from beach-sand minerals such as monazite. But high value steps need to be taken by India through technological upgradation. Keeping in view the need to triple capacity by 2031-32 and the tie-ups with Oil India, Coal India and NLC, it is necessary to ensure fast-tracked procurement of corrosion-resistant solvent extraction and gear up magnet grade output. 

It may be pertinent to mention here that in Andhra Pradesh with a 947 km coastline, the beach sands contain vast quantities of monazite, the primary source of rare earth elements (REEs) and thorium along with limonite, ruttle, zircon, garnet and sillimanite, making the state a rich natural repository of strategic minerals. Estimates made by the Atomic Minerals Directorate and Indian Rare Earths Limited (IREL) place India’s total deposits at over 300 million tonnes of heavy mineral sands rich in dense and valuable minerals like limonite and zircon. These deposits are enough to support 40-50 percent of domestic rare earth requirements for decades. 

In fact, the rare earth magnet sector is crucial to India’s long-term plans for electric mobility, renewable energy, and defence manufacturing. With global demand expected to surge in the coming decade, India’s Rs 70 billion incentive programme could mark the beginning of a strategic shift to secure critical materials and reduce import dependence. 

Thus, the country’s thrust on the rare earths sector comes at an opportune time when several countries are trying to diversify their rare earth supply chains after China tightened export controls earlier this year amid its trade tensions with the United States. Earlier this year, Prime Minister Modi had warned that critical minerals should not be “weaponised” and called for stable and diversified supply chains. 

Currently, domestic rare earth production remains unviable without government support. State-owned companies have taken the lead in forming overseas mining partnerships to secure access to raw materials. India continues to lag behind in technology and refining capacity, which are still concentrated in China. But even then, analysts are of the opinion that India’s plan could face challenges if China’s recent easing of export restrictions for the US and EU is extended to India. Cheaper access to Chinese magnets may reduce the incentive for investors to build local manufacturing capacity. 

To increase e-waste availability, a firm called Attero has launched SelSmart in 19 cities, offering consumers a better price for their end-of-life electronic products. Meanwhile the company has been currently processing around over 12,000 tonnes of electronic waste per month and around 10 percent of the output by volume consists of critical minerals. While there has been some expansion of authorised collection centres in retail stores and public spaces, including door-to-door drives by municipalities and private companies and the growing use of digital platforms, it is not seen as enough at this point of time.  

This current trend underlines a strategic risk: while India’s REE consumption remains modest today, growing demand across defence, clean energy, EV and electronics could render this dependence a significant vulnerability. As things stand today with the government taking a proactive stand, India should emerge a key player in rare earth manufacturing. The primary aim of the new mission is obviously import substitution and the fiscal incentives should position India as a key player in the global market. 

According to reports, India expects a two-fold increase in REPM consumption by 2030 compared to 2025, primarily due to higher demand from electric vehicles, renewable energy, industrial sectors and consumer electronics. The dependence on China may not be much, say after a few years due to domestic refining capacity which is set to improve.---INFA 

(Copyright, India News & Feature Alliance)

Political Diary

New Delhi, 23 December 2025

Acrimonious Parliament

MORE HOT AIR, LESS SINCERITY!

By Poonam I Kaushish 

Yawn! We’ve been through this before. Of how India’s temple of democracy Parliament is increasingly being called a mockery, tamasha and circus wherein crores of tax payers’ money is being swept away by the verbal torrent of tu-tu-mein-mein leading to muscling-muzzling, walk-outs and pandemonium without even the slightest tinge of remorse. With ruthless politics taking over Sansad’s winter session is back to ‘business as usual.’ All spewing sheer contempt! 

As the 19-day winter session closed after two marathon debate nights post midnight, the productivity figures of 111% Lok Sabha and 121% Rajya Sabha passing 8 Bills of 10 might look impressive but they hid disruptions, sharp rhetoric, cacophony of petty foggers, one-upmanship, acrimony, war of statements between Treasury and Opposition. Underscoring nothing has changed: Its politics as usual, trust deficit and deep divide between Modi Sarkar and Opposition.

Specially, as many MPs made it a habit of rushing into Well of the House, tearing papers, Bills, posters etc. Bringing things to such a pass that pursuit of power, pelf and patronage is replacing law making. Figures tell all. Parliament spends less than 10% time on legislative matters and most on trivialities. Never mind, our MPs go blue in the face about upholding the best tenets of Parliamentary democracy! Sic.

The first week was spent in breaking the gridlock between Government-Opposition. The second on an ill-timed debate on Vande Mataram and Opposition’s pet peeve on electoral reform and voter roll lacunas despite no concrete proof. Both, high on rhetoric and symbolism but left little time for raft of key Bills of public and national importance which were pushed through in the last week.  

One such, Viksit Bharat Guarantee for Rozgar and Ajeevika Mission (VB-G RAM G) to replace two-decade old Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (MGNREGS), showpiece of previous Congress-led UPA Government got Opposition up in arms alongside Sustainable Harnessing and Advancement of Nuclear Energy for Transforming India Bill (SHANTI).

Congress accused BJP of “dismantling” and “desecrating” MGNREGA which was a legal right to work, not a welfare handout. By capping funds, centralising control, and altering its demand-driven nature, BJP has turned this right into a budget-dependent scheme, pushing crores of rural families into insecurity and distress.

Primarily, as MGNREGA could be availed by any rural household whose members sought to do manual work for up to 100 days a year with Centre footing the wage bill and three-fourth of material cost. While VB-G RAM G put the financial burden on States whereby, Centre would determine “normative allocation” of funds for each State, making it supply-from-above rather than demand-from-below scheme. Along-with Centre deciding how much each State gets, thereby opening up possibility of playing favourites based on political calculations.

Further, Centre will cover only 60% of the scheme cost, putting an additional burden on already fiscally constrained States. Serious issues which deserved more public consultation and greater legislative oversight.  Hence Congress demanded Bill be sent to Parliamentary Committee for scrutiny. But Government brandished their numerical power and passed it.

Worse, both Prime Minister Modi and Leader of Opposition Rahul Gandhi were abroad when this important legislation was passed. This isn’t desirable. Parliament is meant to be a check on Executive power whereby MPs deliberate on laws that govern citizens. Rushing Bills through on the last few days threaten to erode the status of our temple of democracy. More so, as time was spent on trivial and less relevant matters.

Similarly, Opposition must decide whether time used up in disruptions is better spent demanding accountability from Government. Against the backdrop Parliament today is a shrunken place unable to shake off narrowness of political spirit that pervades it. From disruption of both Houses, controversial laws passed sans debate to the relegation of Parliamentary committees.

More disgusting and perturbing is our polity largely continues to drift along smugly without any shame or desire to turn a new page and prevent Parliament’s crumble. Thus, in this deteriorating political culture and ethos, Parliamentary proceedings have little material bearing on the course of politics.

Alas, this phenomenon is yet another symbol of sharply polarized politics that has unfortunately erased any middle ground or space for Parliamentary manoeuvre. Recovering that tradition will take more than semantics.  Bluntly, our jan sevaks need to show willingness and sincerity to lawmaking, priortise discussion over acrimony, debate over disruption.

True, there is no magic remedy. The process has to be slow and long to rectify the flaws. Rules have to be drastically changed to put Parliament back on track and ensure no one can hold the House to ransom. We have to be clear: Are we for democracy as a civilized form of Government or have we degenerated into a “democracy” of devils and fixers? Remember, there can be no place in a 21st-century Parliament for people upholding19th-century prejudices.  

Today it faces two challenges: One, growing chasm between Treasury Benches-Opposition. The last few sessions of Parliament were disrupted by both sides retreating into their respective ideological positions. BJP feels its democratic mandate is being disrespected, Opposition is upset by Government using its numerical superiority to ram through legislation and short-circuiting Parliamentary process.

Two, there is need to bolster Parliamentary process as its primary function of scrutinizing bills drafted by Government is suffering. Lawmakers will need to look at measures that carve out dedicated time for both sides to raise issues and have sufficient scope to scrutinise key legislation.

This will need accommodation, sagacity and commitment to showcase best of our hallowed tradition of Parliamentary procedures, speeches and rebuttals from both sides. Besides, given Parliament’s legatee of rich legacy our leaders should stand on tiptoe and look to the future, be more judicious in their decision-making mindful of its long term positions in the din of hoots, heckles, raised fists and mikes.

Our leaders need to realize Parliament is a bulwark of democracy, the repository of people will symbolising their supremacy in Parliamentary democracy through Government and Opposition. The time has come for all MPs to see how they can strengthen Parliamentary democracy before people begin to mock them. One way is that on policy matters and legislative business Treasury and Opposition rise above sectarian political loyalties and be guided by what the country needs, sense of the House than the rule book.

The value of this session will be gauged by its success in moving the national conversation forward. Modi needs to remember a good statesman always learns from his opposition than from supporters.  Alongside, MPs need to create a compact on Parliament’s structural reforms. They must introspect about what kind of legacy they are going to leave behind. Or will they allow Parliament to sink under the weight of its increasing decadence? ---- INFA

 (Copyright, India News & Feature Alliance)