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Round the States
India’s Global Rise: AND REGIONAL DECLINE, By Prof. (Dr.) D.K. Giri, 10 May 2024 |
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Round The World
New Delhi, 10 May 2024
India’s Global Rise
AND REGIONAL DECLINE
By Prof. (Dr.) D.K. Giri
(Secretary General, Assn for
Democratic Socialism)
The Government of
Maldives, the archipelago country, has urged India to encourage tourists to
visit their country. Maldivian President Mohamed Muizzu has urged Indian Prime
Minister Modi that his country’s economy depends on tourism and therefore India
should continue be a part of Maldivian tourism sector. Likewise, Maldivian
Tourism Minister Ibrahim Faisal in an interview on 6 May has highlighted the
historical relations between the two countries and has invited the Indian
nationals to visit his country to vitalise its faltering economy. The Foreign
Affairs Minister, Mossa Zameer was to arrive in New Delhi on 9 May on an
official visit. While discussing issues of mutual interest, he would be raising
the risk of Indian tourists dwindling in Maldives.
Maldivian concern
about depletion of Indian tourists is being expressed against the backdrop of
increased geo-political tensions between the two countries. It started with
election of ‘pro-China’ President Muizzu who asked for Indian army personnel to
be relocated away from Maldives. The dilution of India-Maldives bilateral
relations is indicative of India’s decline as a regional power, while India is
growing globally. This simultaneous as well as contrarian development in
India’s foreign policy presents a paradox.
India’s global rise is
explained by its growth in absolute power, strategic positioning, economic
growth in GDP terms, military strength and its largest demography, particularly
the youth population. India’s membership of strategic groupings like Quad,
G-20, even BRICS and SCO plus the invitation to G-7 marks its global growth. At
the same time, India seems to be struggling to retain its influence in the
neighbourhood in the face of an aggressive and expansive China. Because of the
obvious asymmetry in strength between two countries India is experiencing a
decline of relative power, in regard to China.
Paradoxically, the
factors that cause the decline of India’s regional influence are the ones that
contribute to its growth as global power. I am referring to the withdrawal of
America and Western countries from South Asia and shifting their focus to India-Pacific
region. This has left the space open to Chinese penetration into the region. In
the face of competition from China, as said before, due to lesser economic
strength, New Delhi is unable to maintain its hegemony in the neighbourhood. One
Nepalese ambassador to India admitted frankly in a seminar that China has quite
a bit of surplus money which countries in South Asia are seeking to tap into.
Withdrawal of the West
from South Asia also has made India the focus of attention as a counterweight
to China. Although New Delhi is cautiously moving between America and its
allies and China-Russia axis, the West would like India to be a strategic ally.
Unsure of America’s unwavering commitment to India vis-à-vis China, New Delhi has
not cast the die. But surely, the West courting India is propelling the
latter’s global rise. The question is, if India sticks to its strategic
autonomy, how will it balance the mismatch between its regional and global
influences?
Let us probe India’s
fraying relations with the tiny archipelago, Maldives. Quite a few observers
suggest that the rupture in the relations is not because of Muizzu’s tilt
towards China, it is largely how New Delhi is reacting to this. Before Muizzu,
other leaders followed an India First Policy but Muizzu changed it to Maldives
First. As said before, countries in South Asia would like to exploit to their
advantage the growing rivalry in the region between India and China. When
President Muizzu asked India to withdraw her forces, Govt of India reacted
strongly. Muizzu also decided not to renew the agreement with India on a
hydrographic survey of its waters. Recall that this agreement signed in 2019
allowed India to conduct a hydrographic survey of the Maldivian territorial
waters, study and chart reefs, lagoons, coastlines, Ocean current and tide
levels.
However, the tweet by
Prime Minister Modi extolling the tourist potential of Lakshadweep vis-à-vis
Maldives dramatically changed the people-to-people perceptions. This hit
Maldives below the belt. What was worse were the unworthy personal comments
made by two of Muizzu’s ministers on Prime Minister Modi. The social media
reacted to it very strongly to the point of boycotting Maldives. It was perhaps
an overreaction as those ministers were promptly removed from the Cabinet. Not
only that, Muizzu has been losing to his opponents after his apparent
anti-India posturing. In fact, there have been protests by the Opposition in
Maldives that warm relations with India should be restored forthwith.
Maldives is the
smallest country in South Asia and India is the largest. The relations between
two countries signify the conduct of Maldives on how to deal with the biggest
country in the neighbourhood. But the onus lies more on India as New Delhi
should be wary of giving an inferiority complex to Maldives. Despite the
difference in size, both countries need each other in their mutual interest.
Maldives works as a
‘toll gate’ for nearly half of India’s external trade and 80 per cent of its
energy imports. Maldives is situated along the crucial maritime trade routes
between the Gulf of Aiden and the Strait of Malacca. Maldives is also
strategically located in the Indian Ocean and is therefore, of great interest
to India. Maldives can counterbalance China’s growing influence in the Indian
Ocean on behalf of India.
Likewise, Maldives
needs India for various critical reasons. India is the main supplier of
essential commodities, provides a base for education of number of Maldivians.
India is the second largest trade partner of Maldives. For Maldives, India has
been the main responder; be it the coup attempt in 1988 which made the Indian
forces intervene under the code ‘Operation Cactus’, or the Tsunami disaster in
2004. India was the first country to send relief assistance. In 2014, Male had
drinking water crisis as a major desalination plant broke down, India overnight
air lifted drinking water to the Islands. During the Covid-19 pandemic, India
sent essential medical supplies.
In comparison to
China, India has greater soft power which New Delhi must deploy. This should be
done not as a bully or a big brother in the region but as an unoffending
friendly country despite huge difference in size and strength. One way New
Delhi could use its soft power is to encourage informal contacts between
political and civil society actors in India and other South Asian countries.
Second, India could encourage non-state actors to engage in conflict management
mechanisms in the region as New Delhi is reluctant to get involved at an
official level – Myanmar is a case in point.
The track-II diplomacy
consisting of cultural exchange, education collaboration and business promotion
is the best way forward. The myth that foreign policy objectives can be met by
the Ministry of External Affairs alone has to be busted. In so doing, India can
resolve the contradiction between her global rise and local decline.---INFA
(Copyright, India News & Feature
Alliance)
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India’s Global Rise: AND REGIONAL DECLINE, By Prof. (Dr.) D.K. Giri, 10 May 2024 |
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Round The World
New Delhi, 10 May 2024
India’s Global Rise
AND REGIONAL DECLINE
By Prof. (Dr.) D.K. Giri
(Secretary General, Assn for
Democratic Socialism)
The Government of
Maldives, the archipelago country, has urged India to encourage tourists to
visit their country. Maldivian President Mohamed Muizzu has urged Indian Prime
Minister Modi that his country’s economy depends on tourism and therefore India
should continue be a part of Maldivian tourism sector. Likewise, Maldivian
Tourism Minister Ibrahim Faisal in an interview on 6 May has highlighted the
historical relations between the two countries and has invited the Indian
nationals to visit his country to vitalise its faltering economy. The Foreign
Affairs Minister, Mossa Zameer was to arrive in New Delhi on 9 May on an
official visit. While discussing issues of mutual interest, he would be raising
the risk of Indian tourists dwindling in Maldives.
Maldivian concern
about depletion of Indian tourists is being expressed against the backdrop of
increased geo-political tensions between the two countries. It started with
election of ‘pro-China’ President Muizzu who asked for Indian army personnel to
be relocated away from Maldives. The dilution of India-Maldives bilateral
relations is indicative of India’s decline as a regional power, while India is
growing globally. This simultaneous as well as contrarian development in
India’s foreign policy presents a paradox.
India’s global rise is
explained by its growth in absolute power, strategic positioning, economic
growth in GDP terms, military strength and its largest demography, particularly
the youth population. India’s membership of strategic groupings like Quad,
G-20, even BRICS and SCO plus the invitation to G-7 marks its global growth. At
the same time, India seems to be struggling to retain its influence in the
neighbourhood in the face of an aggressive and expansive China. Because of the
obvious asymmetry in strength between two countries India is experiencing a
decline of relative power, in regard to China.
Paradoxically, the
factors that cause the decline of India’s regional influence are the ones that
contribute to its growth as global power. I am referring to the withdrawal of
America and Western countries from South Asia and shifting their focus to India-Pacific
region. This has left the space open to Chinese penetration into the region. In
the face of competition from China, as said before, due to lesser economic
strength, New Delhi is unable to maintain its hegemony in the neighbourhood. One
Nepalese ambassador to India admitted frankly in a seminar that China has quite
a bit of surplus money which countries in South Asia are seeking to tap into.
Withdrawal of the West
from South Asia also has made India the focus of attention as a counterweight
to China. Although New Delhi is cautiously moving between America and its
allies and China-Russia axis, the West would like India to be a strategic ally.
Unsure of America’s unwavering commitment to India vis-à-vis China, New Delhi has
not cast the die. But surely, the West courting India is propelling the
latter’s global rise. The question is, if India sticks to its strategic
autonomy, how will it balance the mismatch between its regional and global
influences?
Let us probe India’s
fraying relations with the tiny archipelago, Maldives. Quite a few observers
suggest that the rupture in the relations is not because of Muizzu’s tilt
towards China, it is largely how New Delhi is reacting to this. Before Muizzu,
other leaders followed an India First Policy but Muizzu changed it to Maldives
First. As said before, countries in South Asia would like to exploit to their
advantage the growing rivalry in the region between India and China. When
President Muizzu asked India to withdraw her forces, Govt of India reacted
strongly. Muizzu also decided not to renew the agreement with India on a
hydrographic survey of its waters. Recall that this agreement signed in 2019
allowed India to conduct a hydrographic survey of the Maldivian territorial
waters, study and chart reefs, lagoons, coastlines, Ocean current and tide
levels.
However, the tweet by
Prime Minister Modi extolling the tourist potential of Lakshadweep vis-à-vis
Maldives dramatically changed the people-to-people perceptions. This hit
Maldives below the belt. What was worse were the unworthy personal comments
made by two of Muizzu’s ministers on Prime Minister Modi. The social media
reacted to it very strongly to the point of boycotting Maldives. It was perhaps
an overreaction as those ministers were promptly removed from the Cabinet. Not
only that, Muizzu has been losing to his opponents after his apparent
anti-India posturing. In fact, there have been protests by the Opposition in
Maldives that warm relations with India should be restored forthwith.
Maldives is the
smallest country in South Asia and India is the largest. The relations between
two countries signify the conduct of Maldives on how to deal with the biggest
country in the neighbourhood. But the onus lies more on India as New Delhi
should be wary of giving an inferiority complex to Maldives. Despite the
difference in size, both countries need each other in their mutual interest.
Maldives works as a
‘toll gate’ for nearly half of India’s external trade and 80 per cent of its
energy imports. Maldives is situated along the crucial maritime trade routes
between the Gulf of Aiden and the Strait of Malacca. Maldives is also
strategically located in the Indian Ocean and is therefore, of great interest
to India. Maldives can counterbalance China’s growing influence in the Indian
Ocean on behalf of India.
Likewise, Maldives
needs India for various critical reasons. India is the main supplier of
essential commodities, provides a base for education of number of Maldivians.
India is the second largest trade partner of Maldives. For Maldives, India has
been the main responder; be it the coup attempt in 1988 which made the Indian
forces intervene under the code ‘Operation Cactus’, or the Tsunami disaster in
2004. India was the first country to send relief assistance. In 2014, Male had
drinking water crisis as a major desalination plant broke down, India overnight
air lifted drinking water to the Islands. During the Covid-19 pandemic, India
sent essential medical supplies.
In comparison to
China, India has greater soft power which New Delhi must deploy. This should be
done not as a bully or a big brother in the region but as an unoffending
friendly country despite huge difference in size and strength. One way New
Delhi could use its soft power is to encourage informal contacts between
political and civil society actors in India and other South Asian countries.
Second, India could encourage non-state actors to engage in conflict management
mechanisms in the region as New Delhi is reluctant to get involved at an
official level – Myanmar is a case in point.
The track-II diplomacy
consisting of cultural exchange, education collaboration and business promotion
is the best way forward. The myth that foreign policy objectives can be met by
the Ministry of External Affairs alone has to be busted. In so doing, India can
resolve the contradiction between her global rise and local decline.---INFA
(Copyright, India News & Feature
Alliance)
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CRUCIAL STAGE IN POLL BATTLE, By Inder Jit, 9 May 2024 |
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REWIND
New Delhi, 9 May 2024
CRUCIAL STAGE IN POLL
BATTLE
By Inder Jit
(Released on 25
December 1979)
Poll
prospects have seldom before been more baffling prior to a general election.
Few except those committed to one camp or the other are able to speak with any
confidence about the possible outcome -- barely ten days before the first round
on January 3, Expectedly, professional astrologers, royal and not so royal,
have been in great demand. Not only those contending for power but captains of
industry and scores of others are busy getting them to peer into the future.
They would like guidance to decide on the political horses they might back
profitably. But the astrologers have largely not been of much help. Most
forecasts have tended to cancel each other out. Many have declared that Mrs
Gandhi is under the influence of "an evil conjunction of stars" until
mid-June and has "not a hope in hell." But others assert equally
confidently that "she has a fair chance" of forming the government.
Consequently, most punters report poor business. There are few wagers and still
fewer takers.
Four
trends are nevertheless clear. First, unlike in 1971 or in 1977, there is no
such thing as a wave of any kind in favour of one or the other of the five
contenders: Janata Party, Congress (I), Lok Dal, Congress (U) and the Loft
front. Second, the contest is mainly between the Indira Congress and the
Janata, notwithstanding loud public claims by the Prime Minister, Mr Charan
Singh. Third, no single party is likely to romp home with a clear majority, if
the crowds attending rival poll meetings or informal soundings by newsmen
across leading states are any indication. Fourth, what may happen after the
poll is anybody's guess. Almost all the top leaders are keeping their options
wide open. Few have emphatically or categorically ruled out
"cooperation" with the rivals after the poll. Press statements and
reports about possible arrangements have no doubt been denied because of
tactical compulsions. Significantly, however, the denials have been carefully
worded leaving scope for conveniently driving coach and six through them if and
when required.
There
is no gainsaying the fact that some kind of a pro-Mrs Gandhi wave was
discernible soon after the Lok Sabha was dissolved and a mid-term poll ordered.
Most people felt bitter against the Janata Party and its betrayal and talked
enthusiastically about Mrs Gandhi and her ability to give India what it needed
most: a strong and stable government. But things have greatly changed since and
"the wave" has largely subsided, as reflected in the assessment of a
reliable poll watcher from Lucknow who proved remarkably correct in 1977. (One
month before the poll, he gave the Janata Party 75 to 80 of UP's 85 seats and
Mrs Gandhi a total of 150 seats all over India!) In mid-September, he gave Mrs
Gandhi at least 50 of the 85 seats. But today he gives the Congress (I) a
maximum of 30 seats. His assessment of the mood in UP and in Bihar is supported
by some perceptive and experienced foreign newsmen. Three months ago, the
Congress (I) looked like bagging all the four seats in Himachal Pradesh. Today,
the Janata Party appears to have turned the tide in the hill State and might
well repent 1977.
Mrs
Gandhi and her principal campaigners still claim that their party will win a
clear majority or at least hag 250 seats. ("We won 150 seats in 1977 but
drew a virtual blank in the north", explained a top leader. "This
time we hope to win at least a hundred seats in the north.") But there is
a flaw in the calculation of the claim. The south is not likely to back Mrs
Gandhi as solidly as it did in 1977. Indeed, latest indications show that Mrs
Gandhi will not even do as well as she did in Andhra Pradesh, winning 41 of the
42 seats. The Janata, the Lok Dal and the Congress (U) and the Leftists look
like winning at least ten to twelve seats, if not more. (A top Urs Congress
leader from Hyderabad concedes to Mrs Gandhi a maximum of about 20 seats.) The
situation for the Congress (I) is "largely hopeless" in Kerala
("a blank cannot be ruled out", according to informed sources) and
not much better in Tamil Nadu in spite of the party's deal with the DMK.
Karnataka will no longer be a cake walk. Mr Devaraj Urs and the Janata may well
bag at least half the State's 26 seats.
Of
interest in the all-India context are the views of some top but independent
leaders. One such leader, who is known for his political acumen and robust
commonsense and access to authoritative information, assesses the poll protects
as follows: No party, according to him, will get a majority. The Lok Dal, he
asserts, "may get a maximum of 50 seats although Mr Charan Singh insists
that he will bag at least 150." He gives the Congress (U) 25 seats, the
CPM and other Leftists 65 seats and the AIADMK and other regional parties about
30 seats. In other words, he expects all the parties minus the Janata and the
Congress (I) to win about 170 seats leaving a balance of 359 seats out of total
of 529 seats for which the poll is due to be held. This balance, according to
the top source, is expected to be divided between the Congress (I) and the
Janata one party possibly getting 10 to 20 seats more
than the other. "They appear to be running neck and neck, at
present", he added thoughtfully.
Most
of the leading industrialists do not buy the foregoing assessment. They are
"by and large, certain” that Mrs Gandhi will romp home to power. "Is
this why the industrialists are allegedly backing the Congress (I)," I
asked one tycoon the other day. Prompt came his significant but candid reply:
"No, my friend, we industrialists do not back one party or the other. We
only invest in those we regard as prospective rulers." But there are also
veteran and widely respected industrialists at the top who disagree with the
younger, enthusiastic set -- and prefer to remain independent. At a recent
diplomatic reception, one of them was informally asked by a veteran pro-Indira
diplomat: "Suppose there was a consortium to invest Rs 100 in the poll. What
would you do?" The reply, at once interesting and meaningful, was as
follows: "Well I would invest is 40... er ... no Rs 50 on Mrs G. Of the
balance, I would put Rs 30 on the Janata, ...er… no, Rs 50. Yes,
fifty-fifty." Late on Friday, he reaffirmed "I hold by my earlier
assessment. It is still neck and neck although the Janata looks like coming
up..."
Most
diplomats understandably prefer not to go on record. Some are, therefore,
agitated over certain news despatches attributing to their embassies
"loaded assessment" of the poll prospects. Three of the five
embassies are stated to give Mrs Gandhi "s clear majority" and the
fourth over 200 seats. The fifth, major power, alone is reported to hold the
view that Mrs Gandhi "will not return to power.") One Ambassador candidly
told me: "The whole thing is concocted." However, a majority of the
Ambassadors seem to feel that the battle is mainly between the Congress (1) and
the Janata and that the fight between the two is "very close".
Incidentally, almost all senior Ambassadors are greatly embarrassed by the
invitation extended to Mrs Gandhi recently by the Thursday Club of junior
diplomats at this pre-poll juncture and the subsequent publicity given to her
remarks. Some of these Ambassadors have also assured the Foreign Office
informally that they disapprove of anything which smacks of interference in
India's internal affairs.
Much,
as broadly agreed by the poll watchers, will depend upon what the main parties
are able to do in the next ten days, which mark the crucial stage in the battle
of the hustings. All the three principal contenders for the Prime Ministership
Mrs Gandhi, Mr Jagjivan Ram and Mr Charan Singh - have been working hard and
addressing as many election meetings as they possibly can in the course of a
day. Both Mr Jagjivan Ram and Mr Charan Singh have also successfully raised
doubts in the popular mind about her promise of "a strong and stable
Government" by pointedly asking: What kind of stability? (Mrs Gandhi, it
needs to be remembered, received a two-thirds majority in 1971. But this
majority was eventually used to subvert the Constitution and establish personal
rule.) The two leaders have yet to build up the required tempo and take it to a
promising peak. Mr Jagjivan Ram even today gives the Impression of pulling his
punches, which is not doing much good to his credibility -- and his reputation
as a shrewd tactician. The Janata has still to launch its long-promised
blitzkrieg against its principal enemy: the forces of authoritarianism.
Clear
battle lines have yet to be drawn and the principal issue identified: what kind
of an India do we want? Mrs Gandhi has made matters easy for her opponents by
reviving around her the notorious, all-powerful caucus, headed by her son, Mr
Sanjay Gandhi. Initially, the choice was stated to be between Mrs Gandhi and
the Janata Party. Mrs Gandhi, the people were urged to believe, had learnt her
lessons and could now be trusted to keep her son and his group under control.
The choice now is no longer the same. It is sharp and clear and something which
is easily comprehended by the masses: between the Janata Party and the caucus,
between government by the people or government by a mafia. Mr Sanjay Gandhi,
too, has presented his opponents with an invaluable gift, his public promise to
complete the "unfinished task of Emergency." The next few days will
determine if the Janata has the ability to exploit the mistakes of the Congress
(I) and play for a win. Much valuable time has been lost already.--INFA.
(Copyright, India News & Feature Alliance)
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Elections & Youth: CAN PARTIES REMOVE APATHY?, By Dhurjati Mukherjee, 8 May 2024 |
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Open Forum
New Delhi, 8 May 2024
Elections & Youth
CAN PARTIES REMOVE APATHY?
By Dhurjati Mukherjee
India’s
foreign minister recently wrote in a leading national daily that “this is the
first general election of the Amrit Kaal,(an empowered and inclusive economy) and
our youth must recognise its significance”. What this means may be clear to the
present government but for youth it would remain a grey area as its impact is
not sufficiently felt by either the educated or uneducated sections. The government
nurturing human resources, enhancing ease of livingand fostering
entrepreneurship, are words unmatched by action for this generation.
Opinion
amongst social analysts and youth leaders boils down to a concern that the
government is unfortunately not aware of the dimension of the problem, even
though the youth represent the most dynamic and vibrant segment of the
population. The country has the largest youth population in the world and as per
Report of Technical Group on Population Projections, by Ministry of Health and
Family Welfare, youth in the age group of 15-29 years comprise 27.2% of the
population for 2021 which is expected to decrease to 22.7 by 2036 but still
huge in absolute numbers of 345 million.
It is
distressing that the general youth by and large are not much interested in the
electoral process and do not see it as a tool to have their voice heard. Whatever
may be projected by justifying high rates of GDP growth, the rural youth are
increasingly finding agriculture unremunerative while small jobs are not quite
available in the rural areas. There is growing sense of frustration and
disillusionment amongst GenNext, and though the ongoing election may be a talking
point it doesn’t inspire hope of a new government addressing their issues.
This is
borne out by a recent report of International Labour Organisation on
unemployment in India. It found that of the total unemployed, 83 percent are
youth. The share of educated youth among the total unemployed population is 66
percent. In fact, India has one of the highest unemployment rates in the world.
The headline rate of 23 percent puts the country in the company of Yemen, Iran,
Lebanon, Syria and other such nations which don’t boast of being the fastest
growing economy or fifth largest economy. For our small neighbour, Bangladesh,
the figure is just 12 percent – half of that of India’s. Even scarier is that
unemployment rate is 44 percent among those in age group of 20-24 years.
It is
thus not astonishing that those who have the highest stake in the future have
shown the least inclination in voting. Around 38 percent of youth have
registered to vote in the 2024 elections with some states such as Bihar, Delhi
and Uttar Pradesh seeing less than a quarter enrolling.Anil Verma of Association
for Democratic Reforms explains there’s cynicism amongst the youth about the
electoral process. The apathy emanates from a feeling that major political parties
which don’t have enough youth leaders, are not genuinely involved about the GenNext
and its problems.
Moreover,
political leadership is not showing concern about emerging social and economic
problems. About Bihar’s low young voter numbers, Rajiv Kumar of Action for
Accountable Governance (AAG) explains that though political awareness was
there, a sense of hopelessness and frustration persists among the youth about
commitment of political leadership.
Therefore,
the guarantees or promises of political parties are not quite appealing to the
young generation as they are not based on genuine intentions. Prime Minister Modi,
BJP’s ‘star campaigner’ has been accused by Opposition of being silent on
creation of job opportunities for youth. There is no word on adequate financial
allocation to states to ensure employment is guaranteed for 100 days in a year,
as per MNREGA. Besides, there’s a demand for such a programme in urban areas to
provide jobs the youth.
Moreover,
many of the guarantees given by various political parties over the years have
remained elusive, leading to disillusionment in elections. The future torchbearers
of the country are also in a situation where there is intense competition and
pressure, right from say Class X or XI, to rank and achieve high standards,
which has resulted in increasing suicides, even among students who have entered
IITs.
According
to a recent Lancet article, 75 percent of those who die by suicide are men,
many economically precarious youths. The suicide rate in India increased from
6.3 per lakh in 1978 to a whopping 12.4 with 44 percent urban growth as
recorded by the last Census, whereas suicides in remote areas largely go
unrecorded.
Additionally,
government fighting graft, which bothers the young generation, is viewed more
of a slogan by the youth, than concrete action. Recently, Prime Minister claimed
that in past decade over Rs 30 lakh crore was spent on various development
policies with beneficiaries receiving money directly into their accounts. This,
he recalled as being different to Congress counterpart, who once had claimed,
“if one rupee was sent from Delhi, only 15 paise would reach its destination…’
adding “imagine the consequences if they had control over Rs 30 lakh crore”. However,
rural youth would be cynical about it as they see little difference in welfare
projects meant for them or their families, whether by Centre or states. Corruption
at grass-root levels remains unchanged, if not increased over the years.
Congress
on other hand has been alleging a pro-rich nexus of the ruling party and has promised
to conduct a financial and institutional survey to ascertain who’s in
possession of country’s wealth and would then undertake to redistribute the
same. Whether it would bring cheer to the young is uncertain as corporates are
moving towards automation which would further cut down job opportunities.
It is
imperative for political parties to ponder why country’s talented youth are
shunning their right to vote. The only answer is a strategy or plan of action
to influence and motivate them, as gainful engagement of GenNext is key to a
harmonious socio-economic development. The government must ensure that apart
from filling up vacancies in its sector, private sector too must recruit enough
personnel, to be determined by a professional body, and not over-work their
labour force, as is the case.
There is
also a need to start an unemployment allowance as suggested by some economists.
When massive projects, whose beneficiaries are the rich, are being undertaken,
starting such an allowance for the poor and EWS should not pose a problem. If
necessary, a cess of say 1 percent for those who are super rich could be
imposed to start such an allowance.
A nation’s
progress is dependent on its young generation. It is essential the economy has
the ability to support the increase in the labour force and the youth have the
appropriate education, skills, health awareness and other enablers to
productively contribute to the economy, as stated by government itself. In our
march towards a developed nation, the interests of youth can’t be ignored as its
this generation which can shape the future of the country and contribute
productively to nation-building. ---INFA
(Copyright, India News & Feature Alliance)
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#Me Too Singes Karnataka: ARE WOMEN PLAYTHINGS?, By Poonam I Kaushish, 7 May 2024 |
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Political Diary
New Delhi, 7 May 2024
#Me Too Singes Karnataka
ARE WOMEN PLAYTHINGS?
By Poonam I Kaushish
If the scorching heat
amidst sweltering electioneering wasn’t hot enough, some prurient parlour games
have been added a heady potent to the mix.
At the centre of the
affair is JD(S) MP and its Hassan candidate Prajwal Revanna accused of sexually exploiting several women
-- Government employees, house helps, unorganised sector -- over many years after
more than 2000 explicit videos appeared on social media. If this was bad news,
another woman also named his father Holenarasipura MLA Revanna for abusing her
from 2019-22 resulting in his arrest. Both are grandson and son of ex-Prime
Minister Deve Gowda.
Predictably, a blame
game has started. While Revanna’s brother and former Chief Minister Kumaraswamy
has distanced the Party from the matter. BJP which has partnered JD(S) in
Karnataka has accused the Congress Government of letting Prajwal flee the
country, against the backdrop it took three long days before the State Government
blinked and formed a Special Investigation Team to nail the truth. With and a look-out
circular and a Blue corner alert, Prajwal is slated to return in a day or two.
Sensing an opportunity
to hit back at BJP, Congress’s Rahul accused it of aligning with a “mass
rapist” and “always protecting” those who commit crimes against women. Besides,
asking Chief Minister Siddaramaiah to help the victims. Yawn.
Why am I not shocked? Primarily,
as, it is not the first time a politician has been caught with his pants down.
Over the years there have been many instances of our Right Honourables exploiting
high offices for sexual favours. Beginning with ex-Defence Minister Jagjivan
Ram son Suresh’s affair in the 70’s down Andhra Governor ND Tiwari sexual romp
with three women 2009 alongside acknowledging a 34-year old as his son after a paternity
test.
Former UP Samajwadi bahubali Amarmani Tripathi extra-marital
affair with poetess Madhumita Shukla 2007, Ex-Haryana Minister Gopal Kunda
accused in an air hostess suicide 2012, Madhya Pradesh Minister Raghavji for
abusing his domestic help by promising Government job 2013, junior Union Foreign
Minister Akbar singed by ‘Me-Too’ 2018, BJP ex-MP Brij Bhushan Singh accused by
female wrestlers last year ditto ex-Haryana Sports Minister and ex-hockey
captain Sandeep Singh accused by a junior coach resigned.
In a country where netas dalliances are seen as mere
peccadilloes and accepted with a wink or ‘weaponised’ by rivals, has the latest
controversy changed anything? No. Fobbed off as political mudslinging between
two Parties, ‘honey-trap-by-rivals-out-to-get-him’ or reduced to entertainment
distractions, a tamasha.
Questionably, at what
point do we say enough is enough? There are hundreds of instances of courage
where women have come out to accost their predators. Political masters and
blatant misogynist have ensured that political, corporate, sports film worlds
thrive on dirty games to flaunt their masculinity. Association for Democratic
Reform found over 134 sitting MPs and MlAs accused of crimes against women.
Raising a moot point:
Why are women viewed as sex objects? A plaything of males to satisfy their
libido and massage their egos? Why are we so complacent when it come reporting
sexual crimes?
Clearly, in a society
which lives with the regressive mindset that freedom and equality for women
tantamount to promiscuity, we swing between two extremes. One where a girl
child is bad news and nurtured on “conform” paranoia: Not to rock the boat, be
fearful of what lies around the corner and subjecting them to countless
restrictions in the name of women’s protection. Whereby fathers make the rules,
husbands enforce them and male bosses reiterate them, speaking out against
someone’s wrong doing is tough.
A girl raped by one of
her male relatives in locked in the precincts of her home, is told to keep
quite to avoid repercussions on the facetious pretext of ‘what will people say’
and ‘nobody will marry you.’ Several women who face sexual abuse at work stay quite
in order to avoid further harassment and unwanted attention. Or are hesitant to
speak out fearing they will be dubbed ‘loose charactered’ at best or ostracized
at worst. Either which way the damage is done.
Getting married and raising kids is the core of female existence. Sic.
Not a few women
complain that they are viewed as sex objects and mince-meat for male lust
camouflaged as human animals to either comply or reconcile to battling it out
at every level. To rise professionally they need a ‘godfather’ who can make or
break them.
Perhaps it has
something to do with our patriarchal lineage and misogynistic culture. Whereby,
we show utter disregard and disrespect for women.... rape, marital rapes,
sexual assault and systemic harassment et al. A culture that believes that the
worst aspect of rape is the defilement of the victim, who will no longer be
able to find a man to marry her — and that the only solution is to marry the
rapist.
Recently, Karnataka’s
Home Minister blamed “western culture these things do happen”. Really? Added
another, “The more skin women show it’s like if there's gasoline, there will be
fire. If there's spilt sugar, ants will gravitate towards it.” Cooed another,
“Girls shouldn’t wear jeans and exposing clothes, it is against desi sabhyata…. They have no business to
be driving around at 2 am in the morning.” Disgusting, to say the least.
In an era when
political image is branded like detergents, our netas completely disregard the fact that they have failed miserably
in making our cities safe for its people. Crimes against women have more than
tripled over the past ten years, according to National Crime Records Bureau’s
latest data.
Notwithstanding the
#Me Too campaign, in a society where the national narrative conditions people to
think that sexual harassment has no consequences; where sex crimes are
dismissed as result of an imbalanced sex ratio; and where women have little or
no cultural respect, it is going to be a steep uphill to change what is just
par for the course.
Where does one go from
here? Given that this oppressive atrocity against women will get worse, not
better. Clearly our leaders need to pay heed and address this seriously. For
starters why haven’t our policing laws been strengthened? Laws tightened which
would deter men to think thousand times before they commit crime?
Our education system
needs to emphasise the importance of gender equality and eradicate the sick
male mindset. We need to change our approach to sexual harassment. One option
is radical feminism to make a social impact and safety of women should be an
important article of faith with people, society and Government. Along-with
dignity, equal opportunity and independence of thought and action.
To that end, we need
stricter laws that ensure that those found guilty of workplace harassment are
punished. The Vishakha judgment guidelines provide many safeguards, like having
an “appropriate complaints mechanism with a complaints committee” at all.
Parties should constitute an Internal Complaints Committee.
Clearly, a
revolutionary change is needed. The Constitution has given equal rights to
women. Merely mouthing platitudes of freedom will no longer work. We need cry a
halt to women being playthings of voyeuristic men. Will women continue to
constitute the weaker gender? Continue to rot at the hands of lecherous,
predatory or pedophile men? Will we break new ground and unshackle women? A time to introspect and say Times Up. Enough
of sexual harassment! ---- INFA
(Copyright India News & Feature
Alliance)
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