Round The World

New Delhi, 19 April 2024

Indian Parliament Elections

IS FOREIGN POLICY AN ISSUE?

By Prof. (Dr.) D.K. Giri

(Secretary General, Assn for Democratic Socialism) 

Prime Minister Narendra Modi said in an interview that elections in India are festivals of our democracy. It is true that across the country, people are in a festive mood and are excited about exercising their fundamental right, i.e. to vote for a candidate of their choice. An avid political commentator had put it in different, slightly derisive words, “Indian politics is electionised not much democratised”. His observation pointed to elections round the year in some part of the country or the other. As India has three-tier governance – Centre, states and local governments, elections for any one of the tiers is happening somewhere in the country throughout the year. 

Obviously, several issues and features of Indian politics come up during elections. The issues that matter to voters, and the features, mainly the organising principles, are manifested during elections. But does foreign policy issues figure in the campaigns of political parties, at least the national parties? From the reports in the press, opinion polls, voters’ surveys, it is evident that foreign policy is not a priority. This contradicts with India’s aspirations of becoming a Vishwa Guru or a Vishwa Bandhu, the latter epithet is mentioned in the BJP’s manifesto under the section on foreign policy. 

Before we scan the issues in the manifestoes of the political parties, we should learn why voters are not interested in foreign policy. Indian voters like those in many developing countries do not have much interest in internationalism for a variety of reasons. I will list only a few. Many Indians, for lack of adequate resources, cannot travel and explore the world. As it is said, you cannot feel for something, you have not seen. Second, the lack of enough international outlook, many people in India do not comprehend that international communities comprising both state and non-state actors influence each country including India in multiple ways. 

The external influence over the countries has intensified under the ongoing process of globalisation. So far, the global outlook has been the prerogative of the big powers – Europeans, Americans and Russians. This is because of their superior economic and military might. Chinese and Indians are new entrants. Ironically, China has the resources but not many likeable ideas that will enable it to play a credible international role. India has the ideas drawn from its rich civilisation and enduring democracy, but lacks resources. Also, India, a vast country with the biggest population in the world, consisting of 28 states, is like the European Union of 27 countries. Both Union of India and the European Union get too embroiled in their internal matters with little enthusiasm and energy left for internationalism. 

The foreign policy making is left to an elite club of bureaucrats and so-called experts. Voters hardly influence the making of foreign policy. New Delhi like Brussels fails to realise that playing an international role will enhance the internal strengths. It is a truism that foreign policy of any country is a function of its domestic strengths which are also called determinants. An improved international engagement, which New Delhi seems to seek, requires the backing of domestic heft – economic, political, demographic, developmental and technological. Likewise, a diminished role in the world will level down the internal initiatives, reforms and rejuvenation. India, therefore, needs to internationally position itself which is commensurate with its national strengths and strategies. 

From the above premise, let us look at the issues raised by political parties in their manifestoes. We will take two parties for the purpose – the BJP, which ran the government for the last ten years and the Indian National Congress, the main Opposition party. Other political parties are not so consequential in foreign policies. Although Left parties do talk about it, their electoral strength is limited to one state government. 

BJP’s manifesto reflects the foreign policy the government has been following: securing the permanent membership of UNSC; putting neighbourhood first; using the Indian Diaspora for investment and diplomatic support; becoming the voice of Global South; creating a global consensus on fight against terrorism, strengthening Indo-Pacific region for security and growth; establishment of India-Middle East-Europe Corridor and so on. BJP seeks to elevate Bharat as a global soft power. 

An ambitious but desirable promise that BJP makes is to be the First Responder Bharat. This means, building on its success of providing emergency relief material mainly vaccinations during Covid, India seeks to promote its reputation as a trusted global partner and a first responder in extending humanitarian assistance in disaster-relief programmes. Equally promising is the focus on building cultural centres across the globe to showcase Bharat’s rich culture and offer training in yoga, ayurveda and classical music etc. BJP promises to present Bharat as the mother of democracy. If they do so, it may silence the Indian as well as international critics of the health of Indian democracy. 

Congress begins its foreign policy promises by strongly criticising BJP government’s handling of Chinese intrusions in Ladakh, Galwan clash in 2020 and Indian forces not having access to 26 out of 65 patrolling points, which is equivalent to 2000 sq mtrs in Eastern Ladakh. Congress repeats their age-old approach of ‘continuity and change’ in India’s foreign policy. Other references to India’s foreign policy made by Congress, sound rhetorical except that they make a strong claim on restoring status quo with China, a different approach to the conflict in Gaza, and closer relationships with the neighbouring countries. Also, Congress emphasises on building consensus on foreign policy. They claim that this was the case since independence until BJP made notable departures from this consensus. 

Communication between political parties – Ruling and the Opposition is essential in a democracy. Respect for dissent in domestic and foreign policy is a hallmark of a robust democracy. That said, there could be divergent opinions and approaches in policies including the foreign policy. The consensus the Congress Party is referring to, perhaps existed when Congress party was predominant with smaller opposition parties in Indian politics. 

At any rate, it is advisable to make foreign policy an issue in elections. This will enhance the domestic determinants of India’s foreign policy. There is no dearth of information available to voters through the new media, the internet. It is just that political parties should be willing to share their foreign policy strategies with their voters. Before they do so, they need to educate themselves on the world affairs. Many parties do not have a foreign policy cell in their party structures. Congress party has one but not functional, what to talk of other smaller and regional parties. Voters should also demand that political parties should commit themselves to positions in India’s foreign policy. 

Let us note that Prime Minister Modi made a reference to Katchatheevu, an Islet between India and Sri Lanka; the latter possessing it. That is the way to mobilise voters on a foreign policy issue regardless of whether it was the right cause to take up since it is not being reclaimed nor is it mentioned in BJP’s manifesto. Implementation of CAA is another. These are the examples of how to use foreign policy in a competitive electoral process. And this is the way to become a world power.---INFA 

(Copyright, India News & Feature Alliance)

REWIND

New Delhi, 18 April 2024

POLL, CONGRESS-I & OPPOSITION UNITY

By Inder Jit

(Released on 13 June 1989) 

The poll battle is hotting up. Everything is being said or done with an eye on winning supporters and influencing people. Nothing is being left to chance. The stakes are once again high, indeed very high. The battle is not just a quest for continuing in power for the Congress-I leaders. Even physical survival is involved in a tragic situation in which Punjab still awaits a solution and continues to bleed and suffer. What the outcome will be at the time of the poll in October at the earliest or in the first week of January at the latest --- lies in the lap of the Gods. Much will depend on the popular mood or the hawa on the eve of the election. Anything could happen between now and then in a country where the public easily goes euphoric and its opinion and mood are known to swing from one extreme to another. We have made heroes of ordinary mortals and raised them to glorious heights one day and denounced and dumped them the next day.

The Congress-I hopes to "sweep the poll and win an overwhelming majority", according to an assessment Mr H.K.L. Bhagat gave me at the Pioneer's 125^th year celebration at the Vigyan Bhawan on Wednesday last. "Don't give me what is fit only for a bhashan," I said. He responded: "I am serious. Our people know what is good for them and the country." The Opposition, for its part, is no less optimistic, no matter what you and I think and feel in the metropolitan or other urban centres -- or in our ivory towers. Said Mr Atal Behari Vajpayee: "As things stand at present, the Opposition parties should get an overwhelming majority. I give the Congress-I a maximum of 200 seats out of a total of 544 seats." This assessment, as Mr Vajpayee clarified, "is based on the expectation that the Opposition parties will ultimately be able to fight the Congress-I on a one-to-one basis. All of us are keen to avoid splitting of the anti-Congress-I vote this time."

The Congress-I assessment is based mainly on the failure of the Opposition thus far to project itself as a credible alternative. In sharp contrast, the Congress-I sees itself acknowledged once again as India's best bet for stability and unity. The Janata Government in Karnataka and its impressive record posed a problem. But this has since been resolved --- rightly or wrongly. In addition, the party hopes to capitalize in a big way on Mr Rajiv Gandhi's new deal on Panchayati Raj. Not a little store is also laid by the Rs 2,500-crore Jawahar Rozgar Yojana, which is expected to swell the ranks of its supporters. Asserted a Congress-I leader: "Our voters go by broad impressions. Remember, Indira Gandhi won her battle against the old guard by declaring: ‘They say Indira hatao. I say garibi hatao’. Rajivji has now given a new slogan: 'Power to the people’. The masses are happy, who is bothered at the grassroots about constitutional niceties and the autonomy of the States?"

The Opposition expects to win mainly on the basis of what it describes as the Rajiv Government's present image of being "corrupt and rotten", arguing: "The Opposition is seldom voted to power. Only the Government is voted out!" Mr V.P. Singh, for instance, is not unduly worried that the Bofors and the Submarine scandals no longer dominate the proceedings of Parliament or the front pages of newspapers. He told me not long ago: "The people are now well aware of the truth. The chowkidar has turned into a chor." At any rate, the Opposition is not without more ammunition. This is expected to be used at the right moment. They also hope to cash in on what they describe as the failure of the Government's economic policies, as reflected in two things which concern the masses most: unemployment and prices. The Jawahar Rozgar Yojana, they feel, will only highlight the Government's basic failure --- and "its attempts to fool the people through stunts."

All out efforts are, therefore, under way on both sides to improve the image of their top leaders and to sully those of the opponents. Mr. Rajiv Gandhi turned up in the Lok Sabha to announce personally the Jawahar Rozgar Yojana and also to introduce the historic Panchayati Raj Bill, even as he was greatly conspicuous by his absence time and again when the House was plunged into disorder. (As the Leader of the House, Mr Gandhi is required to ensure that Parliament functions smoothly.) Everything possible is being done to damn the Janata Dal leader, Mr V.P. Singh. In the bargain, all norms and ethics have been cast to the winds. Even a newspaper article by Mr Madhu Limaye, who himself never made it to the big league as a controversial socialist, was quoted at length by Doordarshan to denigrate both Mr V.P. Singh and the Janata Dal. Obliging newspapers have also been roped in to denounce Mr Singh and put across the official pro-Rajiv line.

On the other hand, Mr V.P. Singh has been persuaded by his close aides and supporters to give greater attention to his popular image and to be careful about what he says. (Remember, following his triumph in the Allahabad by-election, Mr Singh openly stated that he would be "a disaster as Prime Minister." This, as he told me, was intended to stop people from talking of him as Prime Minister. But the statement is now being quoted against him!) Mr Singh has, therefore, asserted himself on the choice of the Janata Dal Chief in Bihar. He was far from happy at having appointed Mr Raghunath Jha at the pressing instance of Mr Chandra Shekhar and Mr Devi Lal. Now, he has removed Mr Jha and appointed Mr Ram Sundar Das, who has a much better image. In the process, he has shown that he can also be tough and decisive. Those who attended the Janata Dal's recent meet in Bangalore also speak highly of his conduct of the conclave.

Simultaneously, the Janata Dal is also working patiently to ensure the position unity at the polls and a one-to-one contest against the Congress-I, especially in the Hindi heartland which accounts for 221 seats. This is sought to be done through the National Front and through seat adjustments with the BJP, notwithstanding CPM Opposition. The CPM maintains that any adjustment with the BJP would drive the Muslims, who constitute 16 per cent of the voters, into the arms of the Congress-I. But the Janata Dal disagrees and asserts that adjustments are tactical and wholly distinct from an alliance. The Janata Dal and the BJP are also clear that adjustments are a must if the Congress-I is to be humbled. Consequently, Mr Vajpayee and Mr Devi Lal have not only met to hammer out adjustments, but their efforts hold out promise of unexpected success, proving the well-known adage: if there is a will there is a way.

The Congress-I, for its part, is trying its best overtly and covertly to prevent the Opposition from coming together. Quiet moves have been on to persuade the CPM to stay out of the National Front. At the same time, the Left has also been attacked publicly by Mr Rajiv Gandhi for continuing in a front in which its principal member, the Janata Dal, is "in alliance" with the "communal BJP". The CPM would, no doubt, be happier if the Janata Dal agreed not to seek adjustments with the BJP. But, to quote Mr Harkishan Singh Surjeet, "the CPM is clear that the Rajiv Gandhi Government today stands isolated from the common man and the masses and must be given a crushing defeat." Further, the CPM has hardly any following of its own in the Hindi heartland. It is, therefore, not terribly keen on making an issue of the Janata Dal-BJP talks and walking out of the National Front, something which would help only the ruling Congress-I.

One issue remains. What does the proverbial common man think and feel? Some quiet soundings over the past few weeks have yielded interesting results. The weaker sections of the community are exercised most of all over the continuous price rise, which has made their "lives miserable." (They assert: "What do our Ministers know of the price of atta, daal and other basic needs.") Corruption scandals relating to Bofors guns and HDW submarines undoubtedly bother them. But what has angered them most is the hard fact that corruption now afflicts all levels of administration down to the panchayat. Nothing moves even at the grass-roots without bribery. "Both have made the weaker sections anti-Rajiv Government," to quote more than one person. But they have a problem. They do not yet see a credible alternative and feel disgusted by the infighting (real or created) in the Janata Dal. Both the Congress-I and the Opposition would do well to pause --- and take note.---INFA

(Copyright, India News and Feature Alliance)

Open Forum

New Delhi, 17 April 2024 

Heat Wave Conditions

FATAL IMPACT ON HUMAN HEALTH

By Dhurjati Mukherjee 

The past year, 2023 was the hottest year on record with mean temperature nearing the critical 1.5⁰ Celsius threshold over a 12-month period and the trend continued in the first two months of this year. For India, 2023 was the second warmest year on record in the country since 1901. Projections reveal the current year may surpass this record as apart from April, the next two months may become unbearable in western, northern and eastern parts of India. Moreover, the coastal cities with high humidity as also the desert regions may give a feeling of anything around 42 to 45 degrees Celsius. 

Given the forecast,Prime Minister Modi called a meeting last week to take stock of the preparedness for heatwave conditions and advised that governments at central, state and district levels must work in synergy. 

The annual ‘State of Climate Report’of World Meteorological Organisation(WMO), says the global mean temperature in 2023 was 1.45⁰C -- 0.2 degree Celsius above 1850-1900 average, turning it the warmest year in 174-year history of record keeping. Besides, it broke records in all climate indicators, including greenhouse gas levels, ocean heat, sea level rise, Antarctica sea ice loss and glacier retreat. 

It’s distressing touching the critical 1.5⁰Celsius threshold so early has negated projection of Paris Agreement, hailed globally. “Never have we been so close to the 1.5⁰ C limit of the Paris Agreement on climate change”, observed WMO Secretary General Celeste Saulo, sounding the red alert to the world. Thus, the question now would be whether warming would reach 2 or 2.5⁰ C in the next two decades. 

India observed a significant mean temperature increase of 0.15 degrees C per decade since 1950, according to a 2020 Ministry of Earth Sciencesassessment. The observed warming is not occurring evenly across India. Warm days and warm nights have also increased at about seven and three days per decade, respectively, during 1951-2015 and even later. Currently, 23 States, mainly of plain and coastal regions, are considered more vulnerable to widespread heat impact. However, that doesn’t mean hilly states are safe. Although their maximum temperatures do not reach heatwave threshold levels of 45 degrees C, the population is experiencing higher temperatures compared to previous decades.  

The warming has been in focus for quite some time. A UN report about two years back, says India would become the worst climate-affected region in the world, specially applicable to the cities. Even this report could not contemplate that global warming of 1.5 degrees centigrade would be reached by 2023. 

At same time, the report predicted various trends which include: Rise in weather and climate extremes led to some irreversible impacts as natural and human systems are pushed beyond their ability to adapt; Approximately 3.3 to 3.6 billion people live under climate threat; Beyond 2040, climate change will lead to numerous risks and multiple climate hazard will occur simultaneously; Coastal cities are under severe climate risk which includes Mumbai, Chennai, Kolkata, Bhubaneswar etc. 

Human health exposure to severe or continuous heat, leads to heat stress. When uncompensated, heat stress manifests as heat-related illnesses. Such illnesses range from superficial/mild and manageable (e.g. prickly heat, heat-related swelling, heat cramps, heat exhaustion) to a medical emergency (i.e. heat stroke). Heat stroke is the most severe of heat-related illnesses as it impairs brain function (i.e. stroke) due to uncontrolled body heating. It may turn into a critical condition that often turns fatal if there is a delay or failure in reducing body temperature by rapid, active cooling. Besides neurological impairment, high core body temperature (at least 40 degrees C), or hot, dry skin are other heat stroke symptoms. 

Heat-related illnesses are not the only cause of emergency or mortality during hot summer days. Normal human body temperature stays within a narrow range of 36.3-37.3 degrees C. It maintains thermal balance through radiation (40%), evaporation (30%), convection (27%), and conduction (3%). Any external or internal condition that increases body temperature invokes various physiological responses changing cardiovascular, kidney, and metabolic systems, driven by increased blood flow to the skin and dehydration. Various studies have indicated that 90% of India is found to be vulnerable to heatwave impact. 

Epidemiologically, it is important to note; in current scenario, whichever threshold is used to announce heatwaves, the health impacts of heat do not begin to occur only after those threshold temperature levels are crossed. Health impacts begin much before, even at moderate temperature levels. In terms of external factors, humidity plays a crucial role in creating heat stress by limiting our body’s major cooling mechanism: sweating. 

Even at moderate temperatures, like 35 or 36 degrees C, if the relative humidity is 70%, it will feel like 50 degrees C to us. In terms of internal factors, heat’s impacts depend on the acclimatisation and build-up of heat stress in the human body. Acclimatisation is a gradual physiological adaptation (short-term) that increases heat tolerance as a person incrementally exerts in a hot setting for a few days. Air conditioning and comorbidities reduce our heat tolerance. Similarly, long-term adaptation occurs in people living in hotter regions over the years. Therefore, tourists from colder regions are particularly at risk of heat stroke. 

The Union Health Ministry cautioned amid weather forecasts of excess days of heat waves across the country during Lok Sabha elections. The National Programme on Climate Change and Human Health (NPCCHH) advisory on extreme heat underlined that physical exertion, direct sun exposure and difficult access to shade and water may worsen the health of vulnerable people. Infants, and young children and people with cardiovascular diseases or high blood pressure are among the vulnerable populations. Not just stroke but heat related illnesses include heat rash, heat oedema (swelling of hands, feet and ankles) and fainting. 

A study conducted in Kolkata for2021-22 summer found that indoor heat index levels in urban slum dwellings were 5.29 degrees C higher than outdoors. Dangerously high heat and humidity (at least 45 degrees C) remained for an average of about nine hours/day in urban slum dwellings compared to 2 hours a day in rural houses. These differences were particularly notable at night. During the coolest time of night, the insides of urban dwellings recorded a 6.4 degrees C higher heat index than outdoors, while the insides of rural houses recorded 1.3 degrees C above outdoor levels. Cement walls, clay tiles, corrugated tin roofs, fewer rooms, and crowding made urban slums dangerously hot. 

Similarly, a study from Ahmedabad recorded an average 6.7 degrees C higher heat index at the locations where patients with acute heat illnesses were picked up by emergency medical services compared to what was recorded by the nearest weather station during the summer of 2016. At city level, such differences translate into an increase in all-cause mortality with daily city temperature. Hence, city-level temperature-mortality study has become vital for heat-health action planning. 

Adaptation measures to extreme heat are essential as the situation has the potential to change the course of irreversible planetary consequences. Due to rise in greenhouse gases, global warming has reached alarming levels. Even with all the commitments made by different nations and the very recent aim of targeting net zero emissions, large numbers of people in tropical countries, including India, will find it hard to live. Thus, a health-centric adaptation focus should be seriously followed in every sector to tackle the ongoing heat wave. This will also help us stay on course for achievement of the SDGs.---INFA 

(Copyright, India News & Feature Alliance)

Political Diary

New Delhi, 16 April 2024

Tale Of Two Manifestos

MODI’S GAURANTEE VS CONGRESS NYAY

By Poonam I Kaushish 

The stage is set, audiences anticipate as the curtain rises on India’s nautanki of democracy, an ideological spectacle commencing Thursday with citizens either relishing or abhorring the ongoing tamasha with bagfuls of ‘revadi’ and promises galore. A toss between big leaders, small netas and two-timing jan sevaks. All in their reckless quest for power, amplified by the silly chair called Bharat’s Raj Gaddi!

Amidst the poll cacophony, BJP makes a pitch with Modi’s Gaurantee for Viksit Bharat vs Congress Nyay Patra,  an ideological divergence which mirrors India's vibrant political tapestry.

The BJP's ‘Sankalp Patra’ epitomises continuity by weaving a narrative of progress built upon the Party's 10-year rule championing Hindutva, infrastructural advancements, national security and robust economic trajectory heralding stability, growth and steadfast commitment to a unified national ethos unswayed by populism.

In stark contrast, Congress' ‘Nyay Patra’ heralds a clarion call for change, accentuating social justice and economic parity as its focal points. It promises inclusivity and welfare, caste census alongside redressing societal inequities, reservation and offers a progressive alternative to its rival’s vision. It pledges to fill three million Government vacancies and proposes a Constitutional amendment to increase the reservation cap. Harbinger of its own renaissance, it aspires to repaint the nation's canvas with strokes of inclusivity and reform.

Undeniably, both manifestos underscore a clash of ideologies showcasing the vast ideological chasm between BJP-Congress. Whereby Bharat stands poised at a crossroads: a choice between two philosophies: ‘Sankalp’ and ‘Nyay’ which transcends mere manifesto promises; it defines divergent visions for the nation's future. While BJP charts a vision of developed India, Congress advocates a narrative of societal equity and justice. Whoever wins will shape India's developmental trajectory and its socio-political terrain for times to come.

The BJP's manifesto stands as a bastion of cultural nationalism, envisioning a resurgent Bharat, self-assured and assertive. Conversely, the Congress manifesto echoes a clarion call for change, outlining a blueprint for an India where justice isn't just an aspiration but a tangible reality for every citizen. 

Interestingly, youth take centre stage in both Parties electoral agendas. BJP focuses on fortifying academic integrity, tackling paper leaks, filling Government vacancies and  envisions India as a global manufacturing and start-up hub. Congress plans to introduce Yuva Nyay programme to combat unemployment, offering practical training through Right to Apprenticeship Act for diploma holders and graduates under 25.

Both trading insults: BJP trashes Congress Nyay Patra as “having Muslim League imprint and is a bundle of lies,” Congress rubbishes BJP’s  Sankalp Patra as a “warranty of jumlas and maafinama,” accusing it of dishonouring past promises. “In 2014 Modi promised to bring black money back, but what he brought is electoral bond.” 

With BJP fulfilling two of its earlier three ‘core issues’: construction of Ram temple in Ayodhya and removing Article 370, implementation of a Uniform Civil Code (UCC) as a tool for “gender equality” --- and the idea of “One Nation, One Election” have jumped to  prominence today.

“Article 44 lists UCC as one of the Directive Principles of State Policy. BJP believes there cannot be gender equality till Bharat adopts UCC, which protects rights of women drawing upon the best traditions and harmonising them with modern time.”

The thematic connecting of gender parity and customary laws that came in the way of this was drawn when Parliament passed the triple talaq ban law 2017.  Primarily, UCC aims at uniformity in personal laws, like marriage registration, child custody, divorce, adoption, property rights and inter-State property rights regardless of religious beliefs. Tribals, though have been kept out of its purview. A thought echoed by Supreme Court in various judgments.

BJP is clear: It believes no country should have any religion-based law other than a single law for citizens. It provides protection to vulnerable sections and religious minorities, while encouraging nationalistic fervour through unity.

Naturally, Opposition opposes this as it would interfere in religious groups personal laws and right of religious freedom unless religious groups are prepared for change (sic). It’s a ‘minority vs majority’ issue and Hindutva Brigade’s policy for Muslims living in India. It would disintegrate the country and hurt its diverse culture, they warn.

Moreover, it violates Constitutional freedom to practice religion of choice which allows communities to follow their respective personal laws. For example, Article 25 gives every religious group the right to manage its own affairs and Article 29 the right to conserve their distinct culture. Also, the Constituent Assembly’s Fundamental Rights sub-committee deliberately did not include UCC as a Fundamental Right.

As the dissonance for and against UCC grows louder the correct answer lies somewhere in between. However, what cannot be denied is UCC will benefit BJP electorally alongside consecration of the Ram mandir as it will be used as a ploy to corner the Opposition about being pro-Muslim. A majority of Hindus would view it as the Party implementing its agenda.

Certainly the path to UCC is sensitive and difficult but it must be taken. A beginning has to be made if the Constitution is to have any meaning. Discrimination cannot be justified on the grounds of traditions and customs. One cannot progress riding on past’s wheels. India needs uniform laws and should figure what is satisfactory to all groups.

On Modi’s favourite  “One Nation, One Election”, the manifesto says “it will work towards implementing ex-President Kovind committee’s recommendations to holding simultaneous elections along-with making provisions for a common electoral roll for all levels of elections.”

Specially as the country has witnessed 400 polls to Lok Sabha and State Assemblies till date. And given Law Commission had thrice — 1999, 2015 and 2018 — argued for simultaneous elections to “free citizens, Parties and Government from encumbrance of asynchronous elections as it would be economically viable and a big saving for exchequer”.

It would help avoid disruptions in governance and policy paralysis due to frequent polls as once a Party is elected and Government formed it can get down to work and concentrate on delivering good governance without worrying  about its impact on vote banks.

Alas, Opposition perceives it as imposition of BJP’s political agenda, extension of its ideological preference for homogeneity and uniformity vis-à-vis faith, customs, language, dress and diet given federal relations are fraught in rival-ruled States. Also, it hinders political accountability and performance scrutiny alongside disregarding citizens’ right to removing non-performing Governments.

The Congress, perhaps for survival and votes, has unleashed the caste genie after three decades to ensure social equality. It would be useful in formulating appropriate policies to target Government welfare schemes and policies ensuring they reach intended beneficiaries. BJP opposes this as distinction based on caste would inflame caste-based social and political sentiments and harm Hindutva nationalist project. Besides, widening the caste divide. 

Woefully, our leaders need to see the Frankenstein they are planning to unleash. The past tells us that all clashes have been based on caste. From Bihar’s Thakur-Dalit violence in Belchi 1976, Punjab’s Jat-Sikh insurgency 1980-1990’s and Kashmir’s two-decades of continuing Hindus-Pandits ethnic cleansing by pro-Pak militants. 

As our netas slug it out in the political quick-sands of electioneering the pendulum will swing from one end to the other, evaluating the fluctuating stock of Parties and candidates depending on their stock preferences. Clearly, an unpredictable poll turf lies ahead. Wait and watch --- abhi khel baki hai dostoin! ---- INFA  

(Copyright India News & Feature Alliance)