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Small Is Beautiful: WHAT PRICE STATE REORGANISATION?, By Poonam I Kaushish; 5 January 2008 Print E-mail

POLITICAL DIARY

New Delhi, 5 January 2008

Small Is Beautiful

WHAT PRICE STATE REORGANISATION?

By Poonam I Kaushish

From maut ke saudagar to small is beautiful. The latest brainwave to emerge from a desperate Congress, hurting after its electoral massacre in Gujarat and Himachal, is aimed at once again reigniting the flames of ‘separatist tendencies’ by talking of carving big States into small. The bigness and smallness of a State has little to do with national interest but everything to do with massaging its vote-banks and improving its winability quotient. In the hope that the smaller units will fetch the Party big political dividends.

Camouflaged as imperative for “political stability” in the country (read Party), it has mooted the idea of setting up another States Reorganisation Commission ((last suggested in July 2007) to explore the formation of new States. No matter that till its electoral rout in UP May last, the Party had opposed tooth and nail the creation of small States. It even let the Telengana Rashtriya Samiti quit the UPA alliance.

Today, with Assembly polls in nine States and the General Election just 15 months away, the Party has now backtracked or, should one say, had a rethink and is all set to create Telengana. Primarily, to take the sting out of the TRS political plank, now also backed by the BJP. Recall, the UPA had set-up a sub-committee under Pranab Mukherjee (who else?) but as it had failed to reach a consensus, the decision was left to the Congress.

Needless to say, this out-of-the-blue plan to appoint another SRC is bound to open a Pandora’s Box on the demand for statehood from every nook and cranny of the country. Already, over 10 new entrants are rearing to go. It remains to be seen whether the Congress-led UPA Government will come out smelling of roses or reek of rotten eggs.

The task is, indeed, tough, as the issue is both emotive and politically sensitive. Against the backdrop of many regions and sub-regions aspiring to be full-fledged States. Moreover, the Left is divided. While the CPM, which faced a violent demand for Gorkhaland in West Bengal, is opposed to carving out separate states, the CPI has of late has softened its stand on the demand for a Telengana. The NCP also remains lukewarm to the demand for Vidarbha, even though it has no major presence in the region.

Besides Telengana and Vidarbha, BSP’s Mayawati favours trifurcation of Uttar Pradesh --- Harit Pradesh out of Western UP, Bundelkhand and Purvanchal out of south-eastern UP. Then there is a demand for Gondwana from portions of Chhattisgarh, Andhra and Madhya Pradesh, Kodagu from Karnataka’s coffee belt, Bodoland from Assam, Ladakh from Kashmir, Garoland from Meghalaya, Mithilanchal from North Bihar and Gorkhaland.

Nobody can deny that a few States in India are much too large and unwieldy for efficient governance. It takes nearly two days to get from one end of UP to the other by road! Obviously, administrative efficiency is the first casualty. As the recent experience of Uttarakhand, Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, and, earlier, of Haryana and Himachal Pradesh, shows, smaller States are able to meet better the rising expectations of their people for speedy development and a responsive and effective administration. Today, all are shining examples of “small is beautiful.”

However, protagonists of bigger States disagree, often sharply. What guarantee, they ask, is there that this will end internal fissures. Make the rivers flow smoothly from one State to another. Merely look at the ugly riparian fight between Tamil Nadu and Karnataka, Andhra and Tamil Nadu and Punjab and Haryana.

What warranty that it would decrease the ever-rising disparities between the haves and the have-nots which are all the more glaring and difficult to camouflage in small states. Clinching their arguments by asserting that with caste and creed dictating the polity’s agenda presently, any fresh redrawing of India’s political map would only give monstrous fillip to separatism.

Just see how pandering to casteism over the past many years has unbottled the genie of separatist tendencies. Almost every caste now wants to be included among the Other Backward Castes (OBCs). Even Dalit Muslims and Dalit Christians are demanding reservation on the basis of caste which their religions do not accept. Would this be in India’s best national interest? Further reinforcing that if smaller incisions have to be made as in the USA, then the body politic of India would need to be wholly restructured on that pattern.

Besides, it may make sound political sense but lousy economics. When the Prime Minister goes blue in the face talking of cutting back on costs, we continue to multiply our expenses. Authoritative sources aver that the creation of a State would cost the national exchequer over Rs 1,200 crore. Entailing expenditure on setting up a new State capital, Assembly and Secretariat but excluding the annual recurring expenses.

In addition, it could well encourage fissiparous tendencies, ultimately leading to India’s balkanization and stoke the sub-terranean smouldering fires of disputes over borders--- and cities. Both Haryana and Punjab still claim Chandigarh. Orissa demands the return of Saraikala and Kharsuan. Nagaland still wants to cut into large chunks of Manipur and certain forest areas of Assam to create Nagalim. Bihar yearns desperately for the mineral-rich districts of Jharkhand.

Will not a further partition of the existing States result in an India that would fit Jinnah’s classical description of Pakistan as being “truncated and moth-eaten”? The only purpose it will serve will be to whet regional and separatist appetites, as it happened at the time of the first SRC in the mid-fifties. The very “black hole” that our past leaders were ever eager to avoid.

Remember, the first State Reorganisation Commission was set up by the Nehru Government in 1954 under Justice Fazl Ali, retired Chief Justice of the Supreme Court. It recommended that the component units of the Indian Union would consist of two categories ---“States forming primary federation units of the Indian Union and territories which are centrally administered.” One of its members, K M Panikkar submitted a dissenting note, seeking the bifurcation of Uttar Pradesh. This was rejected by the Government.

Typical of India’s political culture, the first SRC and the creation of new States left in its wake more controversies than it sorted out. Regional leaders promptly started demanding the liberation of smaller colonies from the fat ruling classes. While those opposed countered the demand for smaller States by cautioning against India’s break-up into hundreds of smaller States. Did the country want to reverse the historic integration brought about by Sardar Patel?

The tragic irony of history is that successive Prime Ministers bought peace at the cost of strong integrated India by carving out new jagirs for acquiring “new chelas” and assured vote banks. Lest history books omitted their “contribution” in the building of a new India.The controversies and demands generated then continue till date

Logically, if one district of Assam could be made into a full-fledged State of Nagaland, another into Mizoram, a third into Meghalaya and yet another into Arunachal Pradesh, how can one hold back on Telengana or Vidarbha? The last time new States were created was in 2000 when the NDA regime okayed the creation of Uttaranchal (now Uttarkhand), Jharkhand and Chhattisgarh.

Unfortunately for the Centre, its policy of going populist time and again and opting for quick-fix remedies has boomeranged. What, one might ask, is the alternative? Statesmanship and sagacity lie in adopting the middle path. The UPA Government should not set up another SRC just to win votes.

It needs to learn from the mistakes of the recently carved small States, diagnose the disease afresh and hammer out solutions for better governance. Much can be achieved through meaningful decentralization of administration in these days of computerization, without adding to the cost of governance through top-heavy ministerial baggage.

Let us not allow politicians of all hues to create new pocket boroughs motivated by petty personal interests, undermining national unity. India has entered its 60th year of Independence with 27 States, a testimony to a free and vibrant democracy. Are we now going to roll back history to pre-Independence days and create 562 States? Let not history record what Conrad Egbert once brilliantly stated: We learn nothing from history except that we learn nothing from history! ---- INFA

(Copyright, India News and Feature Alliance)                     

Change On Raisina Hill: TOUGH TASK AWAITS PRATIBHA, By Poonam I Kaushish; New Delhi, 20 July 2007 Print E-mail

POLITICAL DIARY

New Delhi, 20 July 2007

 

Change On Raisina Hill

TOUGH TASK AWAITS PRATIBHA

By Poonam I Kaushish

 

The old has given way to the new on Raisina Hill. India has got a new President in Pratibha Patil at the end of murkiest Presidential election ever. Her victory was a foregone conclusion.  The numbers were heavily stacked in her favour. Never mind that she was the sixth compromise choice of the Congress-led UPA Government. But she proved beyond doubt that she was a seasoned politician and a survivor who had the wisdom and tenacity to keep her cool. Against the backdrop of a virulent tirade by the BJP-led NDA of having protected her kin involved in charges of corruption and crime.

 

Normally, the election of a new President does not excite any great attention. Thanks to the widely held perception that the Head of State is titular and no more than the Government’s “rubber stamp, even stooge.” This has proved true time and again. However, this time round the election of India’s 13th President will be remembered for many firsts. Foremost, we now have a woman Rashtrapati. (Do we still call her Rashtra-pati?) The poll dragged the office of the President into an unprecedented cesspool of politics, petty politics, unimaginable till the other day. It was marked by open defiance, abstentions -- individually and group-wise, cross-voting and last minute U-turns. It also heralded the beginning of the end game for the 2009 General Election. 

 

As she assumes office, Patil has a tough task set before her. She will have to put the vicious most-bitterly fought Presidential campaign behind her and start afresh with a clean slate. Tread with extreme caution and sagacity and win the confidence of even those across the political spectrum who opposed her. Bygones must be treated as bygones. She will need to rise above party considerations and rid herself of the perception of being the UPA’s ‘yes woman and a dummy.’ Specially, as she is widely viewed as a Nehru loyalist, who was personally handpicked and promoted by Sonia.

 

All her actions will be put under the microscope by the Opposition, which will leave no stone unturned to embarrass her and the Government and even look for some excuse to impeach her. Given the allegations surrounding her campaign. Besides, she has a tough job in having to follow Kalam, who endeared himself to the people across the country with his heartwarming humility and transparent honesty. He will for ever be remembered for converting the staid Rahtrapati Bhawan into a pulsating People’s Bhawan by throwing open its doors to the aam aadmi.

 

Patil’s election assumes great significance on one other crucial score. As India’s President, she will be required to play a decisive role after the next Lok Sabha poll in 2009. It is she who as the President will have to take the call on who will be the next Prime Minister. Critical in the emerging trend of hung parliaments and coalition government’s, resulting from a fractured polity, decline of the national parties and growth of regional satraps.

 

Unlike the British Monarch, India’s President is neither a ceremonial head nor a glorified cipher. As the elected Head of State, Patil has a much bigger role to play than hereditary monarchs. What is more, she enjoys certain reserve powers which flow from the little-noted oath of office she takes. Whereunder, she solemnly undertakes “to the best of my ability” to “preserve, protect and defend the Constitution” and also devote herself “to the service and well being of the people of India.” Kindly note it is her ability and not that of her Council of Ministers!

 

India of 2007 is, no doubt, not the India of 1947. Parliamentary democracy has degenerated beyond belief into a feudal power brokers’ oligarchy. Increasing communalism, casteism and corruption, together with the collapse of the system, cry out loudly for a new dawn and a new deal. In this milieu the President’s role has become even more crucial, if the nation is not to be hijacked by political Dons and mafias.

 

Patil would do well to take a good look at a speech by India’s first President, Rajendra Prasad on the President’s powers at the inauguration of the Indian Law Institute on 28 November 1960. (It was reportedly “blacked out” under Nehru’s orders but made public for the first time by INFA in July 1977 with the kind help of Janata Prime Minister Morarji Desai.) Rajen Babu, as he was popularly called, questioned, among other things, the tendency to equate India’s elected Prime Minister with the hereditary British monarch. He wanted this question as also the powers and functions of the President “studied and investigated by top legal and constitutional experts in scientific manner.

 

Rajen Babu also questioned the general tendency to believe that like the British sovereign the President of India was required to act according to the advice of his Council of Ministers. He said: “The executive power of the Union is vested in the President and shall be exercised by him either directly or through officers subordinate to him in accordance with the Constitution. The Supreme Command of the Defence forces of the Union is also vested in him and the exercise thereof shall be regulated by law…” There were also articles which laid down “specific duties and functions of the President…”

 

Our netagan should seriously ponder over what Rajen Babu had to say and go in for the overdue study. Much has no doubt happened since. Originally, there was no provision in the Constitution which bound the President hand and foot to act in accordance with the advice of his Council of Ministers. But Indira Gandhi used the in famous emergency of 1975-77 to push through the Constitution 42nd Amendment which provided: “There shall be a Council of Ministers with the Prime Minister at the head to aid and advise the President who shall, in the exercise of his functions, act in accordance with such advice.”

 

At first sight, the Constitution 42nd Amendment seemed to put an end to nagging doubts on the issue. Doubts which in 1969 caused Indira Gandhi to trigger off free India’s biggest political storm and split the Congress. (Remember, she rebelled against the Congress High Command’s choice of Sanjiva Reddy as its Presidential candidate and instead put up V.V. Giri as her “conscience candidate.” Giri won in the close fight.)  But cooler reflection showed that the amendment reduced the President to a mere rubber stamp and, worse, introduced into the Constitutional provision an element of rigidity which could lead to absurd situations.

 

What, for instance, would a “rubber stamp” President do if, as some eminent jurists asked, a Ministry was defeated on a vote of no-confidence (or otherwise) but refused to resign? What would the President do if the Ministry brazenly went ahead and advised him to do certain things? A refusal to comply would mean a violation of the Constitution. Yet to comply would also be a violation since under the Constitution a Ministry must enjoy the confidence of the House to which it is responsible.

 

Such conundrums have been posed and would continue to be posed. Ultimately, these point to the need to take a good fresh look at the powers and functions of the President in the light of what Rajen Babu and other eminent people have said---and our own experience vis a vis the Emergency. Not many today are aware that Rajen Babu not only presided over the Constituent Assembly but himself was one of India’s top legal luminaries.

 

In sum, Patil will have to give all it takes to balance the ever-growing inherent contradictions within our polity. Address basic issues vital to the healthy growth of India’s democracy which, regrettably, is increasingly turning feudal. Her oath of office casts on her the supreme moral duty to perform whenever decisions are taken against the national interest or the well-being of the people. She needs to recall Abraham Lincoln’s famous quote: “Public opinion is everything. With public sentiment nothing can fail. Without it, nothing can succeed. Consequently, he who moulds public opinion goes deeper than he who enacts statutes or pronounces decisions.” ---- INFA

(Copyright India News and Feature Alliance)

2005 Print E-mail

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Partners Print E-mail


Sarkaritel.com (www.sarkaritel.com)

One of the most popular portals with information on the government of India. 

THINKTANK (www.mttp.pl)

The Polish leading think tank, based in Warsaw and operating also in Brussels, capital of the European Union. It offers set of services for decision makers in Poland and abroad. It organizes debates and seminares, publishes analysis and reports, facilitates exchange of knowledge between private and public spheres.

India-EU Council (www.indiaeu.eu)

The Association based in the EU (Poland) - facilitator of contacts between Central and Eastern Europe and India plus South Asia. 

 

 

EVENTS Print E-mail

 India-EU Business Forum: (8 November 2011,  FICCI Auditorium, New Delhi)

Sabina Inderjit of INFA was present at the Business Forum organised by the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Economic Affairs with FICCI to facilitate interaction of the Polish Business delegation to India with its Indian counterparts.  

THINKTANK DOSSIER "EUROPE-POLAND-INDIA"  

INFA and THINTANK prepared a special Dossier on the relations between European Union and India on the occasion of the Polish Presidency to the EU (July-December 2011). The publication was distributed among the Indian and Polish decision makers in public and private spheres. Among the authors, there are: APJ Abdul Kalam, former President of India, Shmt Sheila Dikshit, Chief Minister of Delhi, R. Dhoot (President of Videocon), as well as Mr Bronislaw Komorowski, President of POland, Mr Donald Tusk, Prime Minister of Poland, Mr Maciej Popowski, Deputy Chief of European Dyplomatic Service and many others.

EU- INDIA Editors Round Table (21 Feb 2008 , New Delhi)

Ms Sabina Inderjit of INFA participated in an event organised by the Delegation of the European Commission in India and Editors Guild of India. The topic is "The dilemmas of Investigative Journalism: experience from Europe and India".  3 leading journalists from Europe participated in the event: Mr Aidan White (International Federation of Journalists), Mr Fidelius Schmid (Correspondent of Financial Times in Brussels) and Mr Eric Bonse (Brussels correspondent of Handelsblatt). From the Indian side Mr vinod Mehta, Editor-in-chief of Outlook magazine and Tarun Tejpal, Editor-in Chief of  the Tehelka. 

MEDIA AND GOOD GOVERNANCE (24-26 Nov 2007, Panchgani)

Ms Sabina Inderjit of INFA took part in the conference organised by Center for Good Govenrnance in Panchgani. In her speech she stressed on the leading role the media plays in building trust and democracy

 

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