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Waziristan Tangle:PAK’s PERENNIAL AFGHAN WORRY, by Prakash Nanda, 5 December 2009 |
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Events &
Issues
New Delhi, 15 December 2009
Waziristan Tangle
PAK’s PERENNIAL
AFGHAN WORRY
By Prakash Nanda
With each
passing day, it is becoming increasingly obvious that the United States’
Afghanistan-Pakistan policy under President Barack Obama’s administration is simply not working. Secure in their safe sanctuaries in
Pakistan’s Waziristan
region, the Taliban and al-Qaida have been launching highly successful attacks
on Afghan and NATO troops.
Obama is desperate for Pakistan to do something to contain
these elements within its territory. In return, he is pursuing the traditional policy of rewarding Pakistan
through military and economic assistance, which over the past seven years has
exceeded US$12 billion. That Pakistan is not obliging and is diverting most of the U.S.
aid towards measures against India is another story.
But then, Obama is not the first
American President who has succumbed to the virtual blackmail of Pakistan on the Afghanistan issue. As the
recently published book, Deception: Pakistan,
the United States and the
Global Nuclear Weapons Conspiracy”, authored by British journalists Adrian
Levy and Catherine Scott-Clark, reveals, it was, indeed, the American money
with which Pakistan
manufactured its nuclear bombs!
Remarkably, the same Afghanistan
factor has been cited by every American President for overlooking Pakistan’s
quest for nuclear weapons. Earlier, it was the Soviet intervention in
Afghanistan that prompted Carter, Ronald Reagan and George Bush (senior) to
give nearly $4 billion military and economic aid to Pakistan in return for its
help to train and assist the resistance forces – ironically, consisting of the
Taliban and Osama bin Laden – against the Soviets in Afghanistan.
And bulk of this aid was diverted by Pakistan’s then military dictator,
General Zia-ul-Haq, to A Q Khan’s laboratory so that the latter could procure
clandestinely material and technology for nuclear enrichment from the Western
markets. And, all this was taking place with the American intelligence
knowing every detail of Khan’s activities!
In fact, the
fundamental flaw in the U.S.
war on terror in Afghanistan
happens to be the reliance on and belief in Pakistan. A stable and secure Afghanistan is not in the interest of the forces that run Pakistan today.
There are many
reasons for this, including the so-called strategic depth that Afghanistan provides to Pakistan in its war against India. But most
important is the fact that once Afghanistan
becomes strong, secure and stable, it will demand the return of its
territories, particularly Waziristan. And this is something Pakistan will not easily allow.
Waziristan
covers an area of 11,585 square km (4,473 square miles) and is divided into what are defined as North and South Waziristan agencies. The total population today is estimated to be around 1 million. The region is one of the most inaccessible, has an extremely rugged
terrain and has remained outside the direct control of the Pakistani
government.
The Wazir
tribes, along with the Mehsuds and Dawars, inhabit the region and are fiercely
independent. They did not bother the Pakistani government till the fall of the
Taliban government in neighboring Afghanistan, when the region became
a sanctuary for fleeing al-Qaida and Taliban elements.
Endowed with a
fierce sense of “individual independence,” the overwhelming majority of
inhabitants in Waziristan do not consider
themselves to be Pakistanis in any legal sense. But what they do not realize is that the Durand Line, which marks the border between Pakistan and Afghanistan, has made them
Pakistanis.
This line for
them is artificial in every sense of the term. The other side
of the line, which is Afghan territory, is as much their land as the Pakistani side. They have
never seen or accepted any restrictions on their movements or those of their
“guests” across the Durand Line, nor are they in a mood to accept such
restrictions.
In fact, going
by history and ethnicity, they have more affinity with the people of
present-day Afghanistan than
those in Pakistan.
And most importantly, no government in Kabul has
formally accepted Waziristan as part of Pakistan.
Sir Henry
Mortimer Durand, who was foreign secretary in the colonial government of
British India, signed a document with the king of Afghanistan Abdur Rahman Khan
on 12 November 1893, relating to the borders between Afghanistan
and modern-day Pakistan,
which was then India.
The international boundary line was named the Durand Line. However, no
legislative body in Afghanistan
has ever ratified the document and the border issue is an ongoing contention between the two countries.
The Durand
Line, which runs though areas inhabited by the Pashtuns, was never accepted by
either the Afghan government – which signed it under duress – or the Pashtuns
that sought to create their own homeland called Pashtunistan.
In fact, in
April 1919 during the Anglo-Afghan war, Afghan General Nadir Khan advanced to
Thal in southern Waziristan to reclaim Afghan
rights over the region. The area was recovered after a long fight where many
were killed by the British Brigadier-General Reginald Dyer.
Besides, Afghanistan's loya jirga or political meetings of 1949 had declared the Durand
Line invalid as they saw it as ex parte on their side, since British
India had ceased to exist in 1947. It proclaimed that the Afghan
government did not recognize the Durand Line as a legal boundary between
Afghanistan and Pakistan.
This being the
situation, every government in Islamabad, military and non-military, has
desperately tried to reach a bilateral agreement with successive regimes in
Kabul to convert the Durand Line into an international border, but without
success. Even when the Taliban took over Afghanistan, Pakistan, which aided and
abetted the Taliban during the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan, expected, in
vain, a favorable response.
Pakistan’s
former Interior Minister Moinuddin Haider called for the revival of the
sanctification of the Durand Line, as it had legally lapsed in 1993. It may be
noted that the document between British India and Afghanistan was to remain in
force for 100 years. But the Taliban regime ignored the Pakistani pleas.
Similarly,
frequent press statements from 2005 to 2007 by former Pakistani President
Pervez Musharraf calling for the building of a fence delineating the
Afghanistan-Pakistan border met with resistance from numerous political parties
in both countries. Pashtun leaders on both sides of the border continue to
ignore the Durand Line, while Afghanistan’s President Hamid Karzai has been
systematically avoiding the issue.
This explains
why Pakistan will always want a dependent government in Kabul, which is more likely to ensure the de facto preservation of the
lapsed and abrogated Durand Line even if it cannot be converted into an
international border.
Of course,
there is the added advantage of a Pakistani-dominated
Afghanistan constituting forward strategic depth on Pakistan's western flank
vis-à-vis India; but that is a different matter altogether. ---INFA
(Copyright, India News and Feature
Alliance)
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Idea of Justice:FIGHT FOR A HUMANE WORLD, by Dhurjati Mukherjee,8 December 2009 |
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Events & Issues
New Delhi, 8 December 2009
Idea of Justice
FIGHT FOR A HUMANE
WORLD
By Dhurjati Mukherjee
Spotlight is once again on the question of justice, thanks
to a recent book on the crucial subject by renowned economist and Nobel
laureate, Prof. Amartya Sen. In recent times, the fight for justice and human
rights has become all the more pronounced because various ethnic groups,
including tribals and the dalits, have been agitating to get the basic
necessities for a humane existence. As is well known, justice is to be
understood as an attempt to remove various forms of injustice such as hunger,
denial of basic health services, primary education, exploitation, gender
inequality and non-responsive administration and ensure a dignified existence
to the people.
In the book entitled Idea
of Justice, Prof. Sen pointed out that the political philosophy of justice
needs to draw on welfare economics, on theory of social choice theory and
measurement which is quite obvious. But human rights have too become
intrinsically linked with the idea of justice as he himself observed that
“justice and human rights are both, in some ways, parasitic”. The Nobel
laureate has rightly stated that justice is not what has been legislated but
what would be acceptable in an open public discussion. However, even in a
democratic country like India
it has its limitations because the development process regrettably is not
inclusive and pro-people.
The acceptance of the majority is a theoretical proposition.
As most of the people are uneducated in the country, they end up supporting
decisions which go against them as they simply cannot comprehend the
implications. Moreover, force, money power and other such things are used to
get people on their side. Worse, in the panchayats there is only scattered
protest against rampant corruption and debates are not so ‘open’.
Though the law is synchronous with justice, its implementation
leaves much to be desired. If the implications go against the interests of the
class that is to implement the decision, they would dither and try not to carry
out the orders. Even if it is accomplished, the same will be done in such a
manner that there would be little benefit with number of loopholes. Moreover,
it is well-known that the poor and the deprived sections of the society have
rarely received justice from Court orders though they may be favourable to them
because the system is anti-people.
Undoubtedly, human rights are being violated the world-over
and India
is no exception. Let us take the question of rebelling against the State or
professing a philosophy which is against it that has aroused much controversy
in recent years. There are allegations that political parties are not allowed
to carry on their activities in a free and unfettered manner while treatment of
political prisoners leaves much to be desired.
It cannot be denied that the sending of troops in
Jangajmahal in West Bengal without meeting at least some of the demands of the
tribals, who languish in utter poverty and squalor, cannot be called just
behaviour of the State government as it is well-known that the districts of
West Midnapore, Bankura and Purulia are backward and there is need for evolving
a strategy of development for livelihood security of the people. Similarly,
there are areas in Jharkhand, Orissa and Chattisgarh where the tribals are in
utter distress and need just treatment and the right to livelihood from the
respective State governments.
Prof. Sen mentioned that President Obama has put a lot of
emphasis on basic capabilities and human rights, including healthcare and the
right to a fair trial. This should be a pointer to the Indians as also many
other governments where such trial is denied.
On the question of the widening disparities in income, it is
unexpected that such discrepancy will not exist. But the State should not in
any way subsidize facilities for one section at the cost of another. Mention
may be made here of making available (or forcibly grabbing) agricultural land,
mostly at below market prices, to help the business class set up industries or
industrial townships without caring for proper and sustainable rehabilitation.
There have also been large-scale evictions in the metros for beautifying cities
again without proper and adequate rehabilitation. All this is no doubt unjust
and goes against the interest of the impoverished sections of society who are
struggling day and night for mere survival.
However, it may be difficult to comprehend a just society but
there is great difficulty in implementation of welfare schemes and these
reaching the intended sections. But what we may expect, and what Prof. Sen has
emphasized, is that governance has to be just and should follow the accepted
principles of justice. This is always echoed in seminars and conferences by the
leaders of our society but the political will is lacking. Starting from weeding
out corruption at the grass-root level, it is necessary to evolve strict
measures to evaluate performance and take strong measures against those who
perpetuate injustice and nepotism in the development process.
At such a juncture when vast sections of the masses have
been left impoverished, deprived and discriminated, when people are fighting
for land, rights of self-determination and the empowerment of women etc, the
call for justice and human rights becomes very much relevant. People fighting
against displacement or for their livelihood cannot be branded ultra Left or
anti-social and arrested without any justice being done.
Not just Naxalites or the Maoists but Muslims, dalits and
tribals and all those fighting for the right to self-determination like the Kashmiris,
Nagas, Assamese, the Bodos and the Kamtapuris, should not become targets by the
respective State governments. It also needs to be stressed here that it has been
found that Maoists are active in backward areas, where development has not
reached the people. In the face of the people’s resistance, which is natural
and just, the State should not act as an oppressor. Instead it should try to
redress the problems of the poor in a democratic manner through discussions and
dialogue.
Justice has to prevail in society through genuine
participation of the people in the developmental process. Prof Sen’s book has,
no doubt, triggered a debate -- of justice reaching the people and due
cognizance taken of their basic human rights. If this is not done, violent
resistance cannot be stopped because it cannot and should not be expected that
the people would suffer without any protest.
Eminent sociologists and intellectuals have pointed out that
impoverishment and exploitation of the backward sections continues unabated,
there is bound to be resistance – sometimes violent – and this can only be
averted through development measures, discussions and dialogue with the people.
Whether and how soon the planners would follow these principles enunciated by
the Nobel laureate and others remains to be seen. ---INFA
(Copyright, India News and Feature
Alliance)
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Telangana Crisis:STATES EYE DEVELOPMENTS, by Insaf,17 December 2009 |
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Round The States
17 December 2009, New
Delhi
Telangana Crisis
STATES EYE
DEVELOPMENTS
By Insaf
Telangana continues to dominate the headlines at the Centre
and in all the State capitals. New Delhi’s decision to initiate the process of
formation of a separate State and then to pass the buck on to the Andhra
Pradesh Assembly to “first” adopt a resolution for the bifurcation has plunged
the State into a crisis. Expectedly, the developments are being keenly watched
in the other States, especially those where demands for separate statehood have
been hanging fire. How Sonia Gandhi’s Congress is going to wriggle out of the
mess will be a cue for many. More so, as Andhra is in the throes of violent
protests by forces both for and against Telangana. Worse, with a large number
of MLAs, including those of the ruling Congress and the opposition Telugu Desam
Party, threatening to resign and a divided Andhra Cabinet staring the ruling
Congress in the face, the State Assembly was adjourned sine die on Monday last.
Clearly, the issue of Telangana State
has once again got consigned to the backburner, thanks to the typical game of
one upmanship played by the political parties. While in Andhra, Chandrababu
Naidu has done a turnaround with his TDP in the forefront of protests against
the partition, the Congress is embarrassed by its MPs, particularly former
Chief Minister YSR Reddy’s son Jaganmohan Reddy, joining the TDP members in the
Lok Sabha on Tuesday last demanding a “united Andhra”. This apart, its partners
in the UPA-II -- the Trinamool Congress, the DMK and the NCP-- questioned the
Government’s “hasty” decision on Telangana at a meeting of the Cabinet
Committee on Political Affairs in the Capital. The matter, the allies feel,
needs careful study since any decision taken in a hurry would trigger demands
for creation of other smaller States. As
a top Congress leader confided: “If we create Telangana we lose. And, if we
don’t create Telangana, we lose! What do we do?”
* * * *
Impetus For
Gorkhaland
The aforementioned fears are not unfounded. For one, the
demand for Gorkhaland, comprising Darjeeling,
Dooars and Siliguri in West Bengal has got
fresh impetus. A week ahead of the second round of tripartite talks between the
State Government, the Centre and the Gorkha Janmukti Morcha (GJM), the latter
took a cue from TRS chief K
Chandrashekhar Rao and has its members go on a hunger strike. Mercifully, it
decided to withdraw its 96-hour total bandh in the hills and instead called for
a shutdown of State and Central government offices, following appeals from
Union Home Minister P Chidambaram, the BJP and former governor Gopal Gandhi. It
also agreed to join the talks and its President Bimal Gurung is willing to wait
till December 2010, the deadline for the creation of the State. However, a
question mark has gone up on whether the talks will be held on Monday in Darjeeling, as the State
government too has decided to put pressure. The situation is not conducive for
talks with GJM’s hunger strike still on, said the State’s Home Secretary
Ardhendu Sen before leaving for Delhi
for preparatory discussions.
* * * *
Mayawati For
Poorvanchal
At the same time, the Telangana developments could not have
been at a better time for Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister and BSP supremo
Mayawati. It has provided her an opportunity to neutralize Congress’ yuvraj Rahul Gandhi’s efforts towards
making inroads into her territory. Behenji
promptly grabbed the moment to write to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh to
advocate once again the creation of Poorvancahal and state that any such
initiative from the Centre “will be supported by the BSP”. Emphasising that the
region was the “most backward” and the situation was fast deteriorating, she
reminded him that she had written to the Centre about it in March 2008. This
apart, the BSP has also backed the demand for carving out Paschimanchal (Harit
Pradesh) and Bundelkhand. It is now threatening to launch an agitation for its
demand by holding dharnas and hunger
strikes, preferably from Bundelkhand. Recall, only last month, the Centre had
released a Rs-7,266 crore special development package for the drought-hit
region at Rahul’s bidding.
* * * *
Carving Bihar Too
Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar too has joined the
bandwagon for smaller States, even as he demanded on Monday last the re-merger
of Jharkhand, which was created by bifurcating Bihar
in 2000. In fact, he even went to the extent of saying “why only Jharkhand. The
proposed Poorvanchal State out of UP should also be merged with Bihar!” Nevertheless, he spoke strongly in favour of
small States, including the creation of Bundelkhand. Meanwhile, demands have
cropped within Bihar of carving out Mithilanchal, Bhojpur and Seemanchal
States. The latter particularly is hotting up with its first mover, former
Union Minister Mohd Taslimuddin saying “It is the right time to raise the
issue.” The demand for Seemanchal, comprising Purnia, Ariria, Katighar,
Kishanganj, Bhagalpur, Supaul and Khagaria districts was made in early 90s. The
justification? “More funds and speedier
development.” It was also argued that since it would be along the border with
Nepal, Bangladesh and West Bengal, “it would help curb activities like
smuggling etc”
* * * *
Another First For
Modi
It will be yet another first for Narendra Modi’s Gujarat.
His BJP government proposes to make voting compulsory in all local body
elections in the State. According to the proposed Gujarat Local Authorities
Laws (Amendment) Bill, 2009 to be introduced, it will be mandatory for
residents of the State to vote in elections to a local self-governing body,
including municipal corporations, municipalities and panchayats. Once the Bill
is in place, election officers will be entitled to declare those who fail to
vote as “defaulter voters.” The penalty could amount to being deprived of
below-the-poverty line card, government service or subsidized loan. However,
the defaulters will be served one-month notices seeking reasons for their
failure to vote. If the voter fails to respond, or the officer is not satisfied
with the reply only then will he/she be declared a defaulter. At the same time,
there is an exempted category: if the voter is physically incapable, or ill or
away from the country or the State at that time. If all goes well, the
first-ever compulsory voting in the country will take place next year in
Gujarat.
* * * *
Freebies In Tamil Nadu Poll
Voters continue to have it good in Tamil Nadu. It’s raining
freebies for them even in an Assembly byelection. With the AIADMK vying for the seat in
Vandavasi, which fell vacant due to the death of the sitting DMK member, the
voter finds himself being bestowed with gifts, including money in envelopes,
dhotis, sarees and booze bottles by the candidates. The cash offerings have ranged
between Rs 500 and Rs 200 and the voter is expecting a second round on the
polling day, this Monday. A family of five voters thus would make anything
between Rs 6,000 to Rs 8,000 this month, besides the goodies coming its way.
Other than money, one political party has generously distributed quarter
bottles of whiskey supplemented with biryani feasts. Though the electoral
officer says that on getting complaints they send squads, observers note that
by the time they arrive the party is over! ---INFA
(Copyright, India News & Feature
Alliance)
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US’ New Afghan Policy:CAN OBAMA PULL IT THROUGH?, by Monish Tourangbam,8 December 2009 |
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Round The World
New Delhi, 8 December 2009
US’ New Afghan Policy
CAN OBAMA PULL IT THROUGH?
By Monish Tourangbam
Research Scholar, School of International
Studies, JNU
In
the run-up to the presidential elections that brought him to the White House, President
Barrack Obama emphasized and re-emphasized the war in Afghanistan as a “war of necessity” and that in Iraq as a “war
of choice”. But, his belief in seeing the Afghan campaign being brought to a
meaningful end seems to be waning as doubts seem evident regarding the
effectiveness of America’s
role in the war-torn country. He definitely wants a better secured Afghanistan and
the Al-Qaeda elements destroyed.
However,
at the same time, he has been quite categorical in his statements that America cannot afford
to fight an indefinite war. The result is a new strategy that includes the
deployment of 30,000 more troops expected to help accelerate transfer of
responsibility to the Afghan forces, which is then expected to allow the Americans
to start leaving Afghanistan
by July 2011. The domestic pressure is starkly evident in his decision to set a
timeframe on the withdrawal process.
Public
opinion in the US has become
increasingly vocal against the continued engagement in Afghanistan in
the face of a weakened American economy. Obama’s approval rate has been dipping,
as Americans seem to worry that the cost of the war would increasingly make it
difficult to manage domestic problems. The Congress will need to approve an
additional $30 billion needed to fund the strategy over the next year. Even the
new strategy is favoured only by a narrow majority (a mere 51 per cent surveyed
with 40 per cent opposing it) according to a recent opinion poll. There is
little consensus on how America
should deal with the Afghan quagmire.
President
Obama had often been criticized for being indecisive and dithering while assessing
the Afghan situation. Even now, when he has made his new strategy public,
unanimity is hardly the picture in American political circles. There have been
heated debates in the Congress regarding the course of the American engagement
in Afghanistan.
Add to this the lukewarm response that the US gets from its major European
allies in the Afghan war effort.
While
some smaller European countries have made their commitment known, the bigger ones
such as France, Britain and Germany have not been forthcoming regarding their
decision to give substantial help in the troop increase, perhaps waiting for
the Afghanistan conference in London early next year. Then, countries like Turkey are ready
to consider increasing their assistance in training the Afghan forces, but are
reluctant to send troops there. Similarly, Australia while supporting and
endorsing the Obama strategy has not committed any additional troops.
How far will the troop surge help in
curtailing the influence of the Taliban and wiping out the Al-Qaeda from Afghanistan?
Well, the increase in the fighting force alone could not be the deciding factor
in defeating the insurgency, as the sources are many-pronged and only a
multifaceted and comprehensive strategy could bring substantial improvement in
the situation. In the pursuit of normalcy, which is a long-term process, the
Karzai government plays a primary role. It needs to strike at the deep-rooted
corruption that reaches the highest levels of the system, and build confidence in
all sections of the diverse Afghan population.
Meanwhile, the Obama Administration plans
to adopt strategies to win back various sections of the Afghan insurgency into
the government’s side, but this is easier said than done. One of the serious
impediments to this would be that the Taliban is on a high-point where it believes
it is driving the NATO and the Aghan forces to frustration. It seems confident
that it is the winning side in the present showdown and in such a scenario it
is going to be hard to induce the insurgents to switch sides. Moreover, the
Afghan terrain also adds to the woes of the NATO operations. The territory is
highly mountainous and rural making it easier for the insurgency to locate to
remote corners, thus stretching the force commitment across a wide terrain.
Serious
concerns are being raised in the US
legislature viz the repercussions of the new strategy on the fight against terrorism
in Pakistan.
There is definitely a section that feels that the threat emanating from across
the border should be dealt with more sternly. They have hinted at and
questioned the lack of a clear strategy in the Obama strategy to deal with the
safe havens across the border in Pakistan. Democratic Senator John
Kerry, the Senate Foreign Relations Committee chairman, said what happens in
Pakistan, particularly near the Afghan border, “will do more to determine the
outcome in Afghanistan than any increase in troops or shift in strategy.”
The
Pentagon plans to send the bulk of the 30,000 new troops to southern
Afghanistan, the Taliban heartland, as well as eastern
provinces bordering Pakistan. But they cannot cross the border and the few U.S.
troops and contractors in Pakistan have a limited training role. Moreover, the
new strategy has not been received favourably in Pakistan. Islamabad is concerned
that the troop surge in Afghanistan could force the Taliban fighters to cross
over to Pakistan, thus undermining its own operations against terrorist
activities. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton acknowledged the Pakistani
efforts in the Swat and Waziristan regions but said they were “far from
sufficient.”
The
exit strategy to start withdrawing by mid-2011 is raising more eyebrows than
anything else, and rightly so. The Obama administration is visibly unhappy with
the Karzai government’s inability to rein in wide-spread corruption and other
inefficiencies of governance. By giving a withdrawal timeframe, President Obama
might have wanted to tell the Karzai administration that America is not going
to fund and fight “an open-ended war” and that someday soon a semblance of
stability has to be achieved. Then, there is an American domestic platform to
be assuaged that he is serious about bringing the troops back home. At the same
time, the exit strategy would definitely send out another message to the
Taliban and the Al-Qaeda.
The
strategy runs the risk of furthering emboldening these elements and emphasizing
their conviction that they are winning the war. Moreover, the strategy might
make their game-plan easier by just lying low and waiting for the Americans to
back-off. As of now, the new approach is raising more concerns than hope and
more vagueness than direction. In the coming days, as President Obama and his
administration goes around selling this new strategy, hordes of questions will
confront them, especially at home as the US fights back the worst recession
since the Great Depression.
President
Obama clearly would not want the Afghan war to become what Vietnam became for
President Johnson in the late 60s -- a political coffin. But in the grind of
political survival, the hope is that the end-game does not mess up
Afghanistan’s already worse situation. The country should not be left again to
the mercy of the power-hungry warlords, who in their pursuit will lead the
country yet again a few hundred years back in civilization. ---INFA
(Copyright, India News and Feature Alliance)
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Noble Peace Speech:OBAMA JUSTIFIES WAR, by onish Tourangbam,15 December 2009 |
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Round The World
New Delhi, 15 December 2009
Noble Peace Speech
OBAMA JUSTIFIES WAR
By Monish Tourangbam
Research Scholar, School of International
Studies, JNU
Putting his oratory skills and
rhetorical flourish to the best use, President Barack Obama with his speech in Oslo has managed to give
his critics much food for thought. Dispelling strict dichotomy between war and
peace, between realism and idealism, Obama dwelt on the idea that war is
sometimes inevitable and necessary in the pursuit for peace. He combined pessimism
in human nature to do evil things with the optimism in the human ability to
bond and fight evil forces. Giving a clever mix of the world as it is and the
world as it ought to be, he emphasized that a leader entrusted with the responsibility
of securing a nation had to resort to force in the real world where evil is not
a product of mere imagination.
Reflecting on the challenges that
the human race has had to face in its history, he stated that pacific and
non-violent means could not have confronted and defeated the cruel and diabolic
advances of Hitler’s Nazis. He added that negotiations cannot convince the
Al-Qaeda’s leaders to lay down their arms.
President
Obama’s speech, on an occasion awarding him as the champion of peace, presented
some watered down realist dishes with some well-placed idealist toppings. He
sought to highlight the realist cynicism in human nature, the willingness and
the capability of human beings to inflict damage upon each other and that the
necessity of war is often a by-product of the mistakes made by humans. As such,
he sought to strive for a more pragmatic approach to bringing peace, which as
President Kennedy had propounded should be based “not on a sudden revolution in
human nature but on a gradual evolution in human institutions.”
In
an effort to further build on his image as a US President, who prioritized
American security but at the same time respected the centrality of
international institutions, he spoke at length about the validity of international
norms and standards. He called for more multilateral actions in global relations,
especially hinting to the need for cooperation in Afghanistan. Though accepting that war
in itself could never be glorious, he also believed that, “peace required
responsibility and sacrifices and that the belief that peace is desirable is
rarely enough to achieve it.”
Reflecting
on the fact that the superpower could not go alone in changing the world, where
the problems are more complex and multi-pronged needing the resources and
expertise of different nations, President Obama said, “America's commitment to
global security will never waiver. But in a world in which threats are more
diffuse, and missions more complex, America cannot act alone. America alone
cannot secure the peace. This is true in Afghanistan. This is true in failed
states like Somalia,
where terrorism and piracy is joined by famine and human suffering.” While
accepting that the nature of the international system often necessitates
self-help measures to defend one’s country, he expressed the significance and
legitimacy of internationally-supported actions.
The
idea of “American exceptionalism”, the idea of the US being a standard bearer in human
conduct was liberally sprinkled all over the speech. The world at present is
confronted with unconventional threats and the distortion of religious
teachings lead to violent ramifications against the human race. No country is
really secured from the scourge of terrorists groups that try to subvert all
forms of law and conduct, while nation States are bounded by the norms and
standards of international co-existence. But, President Obama spoke in favor of
maintaining these differences, re-emphasizing American values and conduct. He
said, “Where force is necessary, we have a moral and strategic interest in
binding ourselves to certain rules of conduct. And, even as we confront a
vicious adversary that abides by no rules, I believe the US must remain a
standard bearer in the conduct of war. That is what makes us different from those
whom we fight.”
Obama
spoke in favor of both sanctions and engagement with the “rogue States”, which
flout international standards of conduct. His attempts at engaging with countries
such as Iran and North Korea have met with little results. But it is too early
to give a report card. “Those regimes that break the rules must be held
accountable. Sanctions must exact a real price. Intransigence must be met with
increased pressure,” he said, emphasizing the need for multilateral and
concerted actions, noting “such pressure exists only when the world stands
together as one.”
In difficult situations of
negotiations when it is hard to strike a bargain, clever diplomacy demands that
the other party should not be pushed to a corner with no choice and no traction.
As such, he spoke in favour of efforts of engagement and choices amid sanctions
and impending punishment. “Sanctions without outreach --- condemnation without
discussion --- can carry forward only a crippling status quo. No repressive
regime can move down a new path unless it has the choice of an open door,” he
said.
Treading
an imperfect world populated by a more imperfect human race, force is often a
necessary evil in the pursuit of peace. The path of the unending search for virtue
is often laden with vices. This is best expressed in the words of Martin Luther
King, Jr. whom President Obama quoted. King had said, “I refuse to accept
despair as the final response to the ambiguities of history. I refuse to accept
the idea that the ‘isness’ of man's present condition makes him morally
incapable of reaching up for the eternal ‘oughtness’ that forever confronts
him.”
Indeed, Obama raised eyebrows of peaceniks in the US
who want the Afghanistan war ends once and for all. His recent announcement
to increase troops there upset anti-war Democrats, a key component of his election
victory. His speech in Oslo only inflamed opposition to the troop surge. But the
speech won praises from conservative figures like former House Speaker Newt Gingrich and former Republican
vice-presidential nominee Sarah Palin. Gingrich in an interview on National
Public Radio said, “I think having a liberal president who goes to Oslo on
behalf of a peace prize and reminds the committee that they would not be free,
they wouldn't be able to have a peace prize, without having force I thought in
some ways it's a very historic speech.”
In
the final analysis, Obama’s speech served as a reminder that he is the Commander-in-Chief
of the lone military superpower in the world, engaged globally. It served as a
much more nuanced justification of the American engagement in Afghanistan. He entered
as one of the most popular US presidents at home and abroad. But his popularity
ratings are dipping, with two unfinished wars and a derailed economy. In the face
of such adversities, it was a courageous act to defend the use of force to
preserve peace. However, it has become a norm with Obama’s speeches. It now needs
to be seen how much of his policy projections and brilliant ideas can be
implemented on ground. ---INFA
(Copyright, India News and Feature Alliance)
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More...
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Obama-Singh Summit:DISPELS FEARS, BOOSTS NEW IDEAS,Chintamani Mahapatra, 2 December 2009
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Hope For New States: TELANGANA GETS CENTRE’S NOD, by Insaf,10 December 2009
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Flip-Flop On Telangana:NO LESSONS LEARNT, by Poonam I Kaushish, 12 December 2009,
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Dubai World Crisis:CASTS SHADOW OVER INDIA, by Shivaji Sarkar, 4 December 2009
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