Home
 
Home
News and Features
INFA Digest
Parliament Spotlight
Dossiers
Publications
Journalism Awards
Archives
RSS
 
 
 
 
 
 
MINDLESS AMERICA BASHING?, By Inder Jit, 19 June 2025 Print E-mail

REWIND

New Delhi, 19 June 2025

MINDLESS AMERICA BASHING?

By Inder Jit

(Released on 26 February 1991) 

Times have changed and continue to change. So also relationships between nations. Sworn enemies of yesteryears have become friends, even allies, of today. The Soviet Union and the United States have buried the proverbial hatchet and ended forty years of their cold war. West Germany and East Germany have come together to form a united Deutschland. Iran and Iraq have overnight forgotten eight years of their bitter and destructive war. The United Nations has at long last acted us its founding fathers hoped and prayed for at the end of World War II. Its Security Council has acted together in unity as never before to end Iraq’s brazen and indefensible occupation of Kuwait. We in India however seem to be stuck in a groove. We continue to be prisoners of old perceptions and policies. Undoubtedly, these had their reason and relevance when first propounded. But they no longer make sense in the light of the well-known saying: there are no permanent friends or enemies among nations, only permanent interests.

These thoughts have been spurred by the recent bashing of the Chandra Shekhar Government and of the United States on the refuelling issue. This bashing reached a crescendo in the Lok Sabha on Friday last where most members, barring a couple of honourable exceptions, spoke in familiar rhetoric on the adjournment motion on the issue. Mr Chandra Shekhar was accused of “abject surrender to American imperialism” and the US attacked by all the Left members for “blatant imperialist aggression against Iraq, a proven friend.” Yet the blunt truth is that we have needlessly made a mountain of a molehill. Even Iraq has not questioned the refuelling, essentially a routine facility extended by way of courtesy the world over. The proof? Long after the controversy erupted in India, Baghdad requested none other than New Delhi to look after its mission in Cairo, following a break in the diplomatic ties between the two countries. Neither the special envoy of the PLO nor of Yemen who called on Mr Chandra Shekhar recently complained even once! There has been no grouse either from Jordan or Gaddafi’s Libya.

Most political leaders have attacked refuelling on the plea that it goes against India’s time-honoured policy of non-alignment, as propounded by Nehru. Is that really so? The answer is no. Non-alignment is regrettably being confused with neutrality. Non-alignment is positive and dynamic, not negative and passive like neutrality. Non-alignment implies the extension of a country’s independence at home to independence abroad. It also implies that every issue be judged on merit, both in terms of principles and permanent interests. (Remember, India’s stand on the Soviet invasion of Hungary and Czechoslovakia under Nehru led to loud protests from Acharya Kripalani and the charge of a tilt in India’s non-alignment.) Indira Gandhi clearly recognised the need for India to go by its permanent interests following her return to power in 1980. She, thereafter, took special pains to build friendly relations both with China and the US. This is the period which saw India allow US warships to visit its ports and enjoy various facilities.

India’s friendship with Iraq and, personally, with President Saddam Hussain is no doubt based on our interests. Baghdad has been a good, secular friend and stood up boldly for India on the Kashmir issue at the last meeting of the organisation of Islamic Countries. (Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and the other Arab countries backed Pakistan.) In fact, if the truth be told. Iraq’s stand was responsible for the dithering which one witnessed on August 2 on India’s part in regard to its stand on Iraqi invasion of Kuwait. Readers will recall that New Delhi’s response was slow and halting, even muted. New Delhi reacted through the official spokesman only a day later on August 3 and stated its well-known position against the use of force in settling international disputes. But, incredibly enough, Iraq was not even mentioned by name. Indeed, India had no clear policy on Iraq even a week after the aggression, as confessed by the then Minister of External Affairs, Mr I.K. Gujral, on August 9 on the floor of the Lok Sabha. India clarified its stand only on August 23. Three weeks were lost and a great opportunity missed in playing a key role.

Sadly, the refuelling issue has not been viewed in the light of our permanent interests and the change in recent months in the US attitude towards India, specifically on Kashmir. Washington has now told Pakistan (and informed us officially) that it no longer favours a plebiscite in Kashmir. The crucial importance of this stand has to be seen in the context of increasing demand all over the world for the right of self-determination to peoples even within nation states. It has also expressed itself against Pakistan-aided terrorism in Kashmir, a point which New Delhi patiently sought to impress on Washington last year. Further, it has left Islamabad and the so-called Azad Kashmir leaders in no doubt that it upholds the Shimla Agreement and expects both India and Pakistan to resolve their outstanding problems in accordance with the letter and spirit of the Accord. This is precisely India’s own stand. Earlier, the Bob Gates mission to Islamabad is believed to have got Pakistan to close down some 30 and odd terrorist training camps in Pakistan.

Not only chat. President Bush has in recent months personally agreed in principle to give India its second Super Computer for use at Bangalore, the headquarters of India’s Space Research. (Unlike the first Super Computer, which is meant for meteorological matters, the highly sophisticated and sensitive second Super Computer can be used even for nuclear purposes.) Washington also strongly backed New Delhi in its successful plea for a $1.8 billion I.M.F. loan without conditions to meet the impact of the Gulf War on its economy. At the same time, it has chosen to go easy on its Super 301 controversy with New Delhi. What is more, Washington has now taken note of India’s fears regarding Pakistan’s nuclear intentions and ambitions. President Bush has refrained this time from giving the annual certification to the Congress that Pakistan did not possess nuclear device. Consequently, US military assistance to Pakistan as also its economic aid programme today stand suspended. At one stage, even a demand was made on the Capitol Hill that all aid to Pakistan be cut off following the overthrow of Benazir Bhutto’s democratically-elected regime.

Meanwhile, two aspects of the refuelling issue have not received the attention they deserve. Originally, Washington made the request on humanitarian grounds well before the war started. India agreed to provide refuelling as a gesture of friendship. The US, for its part, even assured in writing (which is not usual) that the US Military aircraft would be carrying only non-lethal cargo. Washington has now chosen not to ask for further refuelling facilities so as not to cause a domestic flap within India at a time when it is trying to improve its bilateral relations. But it would have been within its right to ask for the facility. How? India has made it clear repeatedly (and the Prime Minister reaffirmed so in response to a clarification sought by me in the Lok Sabha) that it supports all the Security Council resolutions. Resolution 678 specifically “requests all states to provide appropriate support for the actions... This “request” carries a special obligation since the resolution has been adopted under Chapter VII of the UN Charter, which deals with “Acts of Aggression” and the responsibility of member states.

All manner of disinformation spread in regard to the Gulf War has created not a little confusion in regard to this aspect, namely India’s obligation as a member of the United Nations. None other than Mr Gujral asserted in the Lok Sabha on Friday that the Gulf War was not a UN War and, by implication, suggested that India was not required to provide refuelling facility to the US aircraft once the war had started. There is no gainsaying the fact that the UN Secretary-General, Mr Perez de Cuellar, did emphasize as follows in his interview with Panorama: “This war is not a United Nations war... During the Korean War, in 1950, soldiers wore blue hats, the flag they carried was the United Nations Flag. In the Gulf, this is not the case; otherwise, the war’s Central Command would have been a joint multinational military command, located here within this building.” Nevertheless, Mr Perez de Cuellar hastened to clarify: “This war is authorised by the UN Security Council.” In reply to another question, the Secretary-General stated: “This war is legal because it is authorised by the Security Council under Chapter 7 of the UN Charter.”

Where do we go from here? The President, Mr Venkataraman, pointedly told Parliament last Thursday: “There has been a steady improvement in our relations with the US. There is now a better understanding of each other’s concerns and interests. The US is our largest trading partner and an important source of high technology. We look forward to developing our cooperation further in the areas of mutual interests.” The assessment squares up with reality. There is no earthly reason why India and the US, which have so much in common, should not be the best of friends. True, the recent change in Washington’s attitude to India should not bowl us over. Nor should the Gulf War prejudice us against the US. No one has a magic formula by which you can get aggression vacated without attacking the invader’s bases. All in all, India needs to take heed from the Soviet Union. We should not hesitate to reciprocate the recent American gestures of friendship after four decades of mutual allergies and misunderstandings. We also need to cry a halt to habitual and mindless America bashing --- and to ponder over our future relations in the best national interest. --- INFA

(Copyright, India News and Feature Alliance

Recurring Floods: POOR URBAN PLANNING, By Dhurjati Mukherjee, 18 June 2025 Print E-mail

Open Forum

New Delhi, 18 June 2025

Recurring Floods

POOR URBAN PLANNING

By Dhurjati Mukherjee 

Flooding is a significant issue, affecting not just riverbeds but major cities in India. The country receives 80 per cent of its annual rainfall during the monsoon season from June to September. Environmentalists are worried about frequent heavy rains in short periods. They attribute these extreme weather patterns to climate change and warming seas that carry more moisture, causing intense and unpredictable rainfall. 

Urban flooding is rising due to multiple factors, partly climate change, and partly poor planning. While total rainfall hasn’t changed much over the decade, it’s now falling in fewer hours, making it harder for cities to cope. “Yes, climate change has intensified rainfall — but it’s also a planning failure. We need to rethink urban design. We can’t keep building the same way in Delhi, the Himalayas, and coastal areas. That approach must change,” observed an urban planner and architect. 

“Many cities rely on outdated systems designed decades ago. And in the process of unchecked expansion, natural drainage channels, wetlands and water bodies that once absorbed excess rainwater have been built over or neglected,” he adds. Experts are of the opinion that there is no solution as each city faces unique challenges and factors such as geography, population and climate must be considered when designing effective responses. 

According to the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), the UN’s climate science body, India is projected to be one of the most vulnerable regions to escalating heat waves, humid heat stress, and other extreme weather events in a 1.5C warmer world -- threats that could bring irreversible consequences. Added to this, is the occurrence of erratic rainfall and early monsoons that have been observed over many years. However, what has changed is the intensity and concentration of rainfall in short periods. Not just Mumbai but from Delhi in the north to Bengaluru in the south, India’s biggest cities flood every monsoon season. Roads collapse, drains overflow, infrastructure is overwhelmed and traffic grinds to a halt. 

Experts blame rapid unplanned urbanisation, poor infrastructure and years of environmental neglect as the root cause of this problem. Delhi’s Minto bridge is flooded every year during the monsoon. The pace of urban expansion has far exceeded the evolution of supporting infrastructure, particularly in water and drainage systems, according to architects and urban planners. Even expanded areas of metros like Salt Lake in Kolkata are frequently submerged if there is heavy rain.Even a newly built underground metro station in Mumbai could not withstand the heavy downpour as photos and videos of the station flooded with muddy water went viral. The pre-monsoon deluge once again exposed the fragile infrastructure of India’s financial capital and sparked widespread outrage on social media. 

Meanwhile, in Bengaluru, more than 2,000 kms from the capital, the problem looks different, but its root cause is the same. Once known for its network of lakes that helped manage excess rainwater, Bengaluru has seen many of these water bodies encroached upon. In their place now stand apartment complexes, business hubs and roads - leaving the city vulnerable to flooding. The city is made up of three major valleys through which water naturally flows but due to lack of proper sanitation and poor urban planning, inundation occurs. These valleys were originally designated as no-construction zones but over the years, encroachment has taken place and later changes in the law permitted infrastructure projects to be built in the area. 

Not just the big cities, small towns often suffer equally, if not more. News reports suggested around 40 people died in the north-eastern states after heavy rains triggered flooding and landslides. Tens of thousands have been affected, with rescue efforts under way. Mapping and real-time sensors are needed to identify high-risk zones and alert communities. Predictive models can also help authorities plan better responses. But technology alone is not a fix, it needs to be paired with responsive governance and community involvement. 

An important aspect of floods and even landslides is the violations of building norms, specially construction that narrows stormwater drains or builds directly over them, have only made things worse. Then there are examples of facing natural challenges due to geography, such as the case of Mumbai. Many parts of the financial capital are low-lying and close to the sea, which makes them more vulnerable to flooding during heavy rains and high tides. 

It needs to be pointed out here that changes in monsoon patterns and rising temperatures could further reduce GDP by 2.8 percent by 2030, potentially lowering living standards for nearly half the population by 2050. Without effective mitigation policies, India could face annual GDP losses of 3-10 percent by 2100. 

Disaster mitigation has emerged as a major issue and clear thinking on the matter calls for technical expertise and well-planned strategy.  With the onset of monsoon, flooding becomes a critical disaster. Special drives should be initiated to mitigate rampant encroachment of stormwater drains. Residents often connect the rooftop drains to the sewage network due to a lack of local-level stormwater drains in the city. Serious efforts are needed to stop the rampant disposal of garbage, road dust and construction waste into storm drains. 

Urban planners are of the view that most of the city’s drains are poorly designed as they are quite old and not capable of meeting the present needs. Their efficiency can be significantly enhanced by improving the slope, alignment and cross-sections. An important suggestion is that of rainwater harvesting in parks & open spaces which will act as sponges and reduce flooding. 

Environmentalists and planners attribute human actions that have made things much worse: cutting down mangroves, which normally act like natural barriers against floods, and building on floodplains where water is supposed to drain. The breakdown is systemic - it begins with planning that often doesn’t account for future climate variabilities, gets exacerbated by poor execution and is compounded by weak enforcement of regulations.  It must be admitted that political will is often reactive - responding to disasters rather than investing in long-term resilience. 

States are not giving adequate attention to addressing floods in metropolitan areas and towns, which are highly congested regions where people experience significant issues due to waterlogging. Many states face financial constraints, making it difficult for them to implement various measures such as ensuring proper water flow through cleared drains, improving sanitation systems, dredging rivers, constructing embankments in villages, among others. These initiatives require substantial funding, and there is a need for the Central government to provide financial assistance to states that are frequently affected by floods and cyclones.---INFA 

(Copyright, India News & Feature Alliance)

 

 

 

 

Femme Fatale: HERE’S TO WOMEN POWER!, By Poonam I Kaushish, 17 June 2025 Print E-mail

Political Diary

New Delhi, 17 June 2025

 Femme Fatale 

HERE’S TO WOMEN POWER!
By Poonam I Kaushish

It seems a tall order, but possible. A stepping stone to gender equality with Prime Minister Modi announcing 33% reservation for women in Parliament and State legislatures 2029 via the Nari Shakti Vandan Adhiniyam September 2023. Women representation will rise to 181.Thereby, making ‘Her Story’!

But with a rider: It will take effect only after delimitation of Lok Sabha constituencies which can be done after Census 2027 is completed. Both face three challenges. One, enumerating census data as caste will be added for the first time since 1931. Two, lack of political consensus on delimitation of constituencies, as Southern States fearing decrease on number of parliamentary constituencies have demanded a freeze based on 1971 census for 25 years. Three, firewall the delimitation exercise from contingencies of electoral politics.

However, Parties recognize that in a changing Bharat, women marginalization, exclusion from power corridors and decision-making echelons is becoming unsustainable. Hence having more women in politics will improve the system and society. Their absence alienates women thereby undermining the system’s legitimacy.

For doubting Thomas’s the value of women power is on full display by rising female voters’ turnout 65.8% as they outvoted men 65.6%. Their greater visibility and imprint in public spaces are rising inexorably. Whereby, women power acts as a potent force to ensure policies and legislation that affect their lives is inclusive and representative of population needs. Eventually, women-centric policies would heighten political efficacy among female voters.

Yet, women legislators in Lok Sabha account for less than 13.6% 74 MPs in 2024, down from 14.4% 82 MPs 2019 and much below global average of 24%. Think. If in 1950 women formed 5% of Parliament, today a mere 9.3 % increase in 75 years is a sobering reminder of how slow progress has been. Consequently their under-representation not only reveals gender disparity but also constitutes gender deficit.

BJP has 31 women MPs, Congress 13, TMC 11, SP 5, DMK three, JD(U) and LJPRV two each and one each from 7 other Parties.  Among States, Mamata’s TMC with 38% has the highest proportion.  Shockingly, States like Tripura, Nagaland, Arunachal and J&K don’t have a single women MP in Lok Sabha.   

Women representation in State Assemblies is more glaring. Assam, Arunachal and Karnataka have fewer than 5%. Mizoram has none and Nagaland one. Surprisingly, Bihar and Haryana boast of 10% fair sex representation. Hence this lack of representation is problematic as legislation reflects the values of those who make it.

Worse, only 724 women contested polls out of 8000. The Congress fielded 54 (13%), BJP 53 (12%), BSP 24, TMC 23 (43%), BJD 33%,  CPM 10, CPI four and one NCP (Pawar’s daughter). As many as 222 women contested elections independently. Four transgender candidates also fought. The situation in Vidhan Sabhas is worse.

Appalling are their educational qualifications. While 232 (32%) declared educational qualification to be between Class 5-Class 12 pass, 37 were just literate, 26  illiterate and rest graduates, according to Association for Democratic Reforms.

Sadly, there are only a handful of women leaders today: Sonia Gandhi, Mamata Banerjee and Mayawati. So unlike the strong female freedom fighters: Sarojini Naidu, Sucheta Kripalani, Aruna Asaf Ali, Durgabai Deshmukh and Savitri Phule, who defied notorious patriarchal norms and blazed a trail of women’s empowerment.

Unfortunately, post-Independence, women slipped to secondary status where not just leaders, women continue to remain the ‘unwanted’ and neglected sex. Yet, there is no dearth of women workers in Parties who are sidelined and denied Party tickets to contest elections. Despite, more women voting than men in 18 of 29 States.

Worse, Party bosses are reluctant to trust women with handling the rowdy business of electoral political maneuverings. Alongside, neglect of women issues in most elected bodies. Questionably: Will female entry correct centuries-old imbalances and stigma against women? Will increased participation of fair sex in the political process lead to less female infanticide, fewer dowry deaths, bride burning and trampling of female aspirations? No.

However this is not to take way that India has come a long way from 1996 when the Women Reservation Bill was introduced by Gowda’s UF Government but failed to clear Lok Sabha. It was re-introduced by Vajpayee’s NDA Government 1998 but lapsed. In 2008 Manmohan Singh’s UPA 1 introduced it again only to see it fall due to high drama of MPs physical removal by regional satraps 2010. Happily, opponents laid down their arms before an idea whose time finally came.

Asserted a BJP Minister, “There was dire necessity of affirmative action to improve women’s conditions, as recent studies on Panchayats where there is reservations show positive effects of female political participation, leadership, women empowerment and allocation of resources. No matter, instances of them being used as proxies by men to win elections in States like Maharashtra, Bihar.

Its’ par on course for Opposition to carp. Congress’s grumble is delimitation and census are “poor excuses'” for postponement of women's quota, alleging the entire exercise is to create an election issue, without actually implementing it. “We wanted implementation from last year’s Lok Sabha elections itself along-with reservation for women from OBCs besides SC and STs.” Big deal, if  it reversed  its 2010 position against OBC quota within a quota.

Cribbed a Samajwadi leader, “I’m not belittling women reservation by saying it will only benefit ‘lipstick-wearing-short-haired women from upper castes’. The intent is good but the practical political outcome may be far different in the absence of quota within a quota.” Added another, “It’ll be fight in a ‘ladies only’ compartment in a metro, nothing more”.

Not a few argue it would perpetuate an unequal status of women as they would not be perceived to be competing on merit. Also, it restricts choice of voters to women candidates and diverts attention from larger issues of electoral reform, criminalisation of politics and inner Party democracy.

Instead, India should consider reservation in Parties and dual member constituencies. Rotation of reserved constituencies in every election might reduce incentive for an MP to work for his constituency as he may be ineligible to seek re-election from that constituency. Others, aver it would strengthen upper caste and elite rule and promote family politics. Men of this segment would ‘remote control’ their women to use political power.

Undeniably, politics of presence is crucial for effective functioning of our democratic system, as women constitute 50% population. Presently, even as we talk about more power to woman, a reality check bares some unpleasant home-truths. Women account for less than 10% of  Parliament.

Further, one needs to watch for danger that gender politics can lead to, ferocious brand of political Puritanism. So far jobs, posts and legislatures seats have always served as “apples of discord.”

Either way, implementation of 33% reservation has set the stage for future where nari shakti will play a substantial role in politics.. Clearly, if it becomes reality it’ll be a unique precedent as the only major democracy globally to implement such affirmative action.

True, it is not a magical fix but a crucial leap forward for women empowerment and gender parity. One hopes it will not end as an exercise in competitive, reckless populism at its worst. Today, women are at the cusp of a bright future as our leaders’ help them break the glass ceiling and give them their place in the sun. Femme Fatale is the way to go! ---- INFA

(Copyright, India News & Feature Alliance)

 

 

AI Crash Jolts Global Aviation:IGNITES PVT Vs PUBLIC DEBATE, By Shivaji Sarkar, 16 June 2025 Print E-mail

Economic Highlights

New Delhi, 16 June 2025

AI Crash Jolts Global Aviation

IGNITES PVT Vs PUBLIC DEBATE

By Shivaji Sarkar 

In a single fiery instant over Ahmedabad, the confidence in civil aviation—India’s and the world’s—came crashing down with Air India’s ill-fated Dreamliner. The death toll of 142 plus about another 20 deaths on the crash site at thehospital is tragic, but the fallout runs deeper. Investor panic, plunging Boeing shares, and over Rs 1,000 crore in insurance claims expose a volatile mix of corporate negligence, regulatory failure, and a sector increasingly driven by cost-cutting rather than caution. 

The Tata Group, which owns Air India, promptly announced a Rs 1 crore compensation per victim—a gesture as much about damage control as it is about accountability. Aviation analysts believe this move is less generosity and more recognition of the magnitude of the crisis—and the global scrutiny that now hovers over India’s civil aviation, the third largest in passenger volume and sixth in cargo worldwide. Apart international norms mandate such compensation. 

The impact has been swift and global. The crash has led to circumspection and crashing share prices rattle investor confidence. Boeing shares dropped by 8 per cent just days before the Paris Air Show, where the company is expected to showcase its productions. Boeing CEO Kelly Ortberg has announced cancellation of his visit to the air show as the crash revived concerns of about Boeings widebody jets. Boeing’s supplier of 787 fuselage, Spirit Aerosystems; and engine - GE Aerospace have also suffered 20 per cent losses. Total losses are estimated in billions of dollars though in percentage terms it might look small. 

This crash has reignited a long-standing debate: is Boeing’s private-sector-driven model more vulnerable than Airbus, a European government-backed consortium? The Dreamliner, despite its reputation as a safe aircraft, has faced repeated technical issues—chief among them, its lithium-ion battery system, which has caused electrical fires and aircraft groundings in the past across the world, including by Japan Airlines. These batteries, similar to those used in e-rickshaws around Delhi, are prone to thermal runaway: a condition where internal heat builds up uncontrollably, leading to fires, toxic gas release, and even explosions. 

In 2018-19 Boeing has paid $1.1 billion to avoid prosecution for its two 737 Max plane crashes.It has been mired in such controversies, including last year’s Starliner crash that stranded Sunita Williams and Butch Wilmore at the international space station (ISS). There are reports of Boeing workers complaining about shoddy production, including a claim by whistleblower that the Dreamliner had structural flaws, said to be six tonnes heavier, than it should be. No Dreamliner had crashed before the Ahmedabad incident. Another whistleblower, a Boeing engineer warned in 2024 that all 787s should be grounded due to structural flaws. One who reportedly expressed concerns about substandard spares, was later found dead under mysterious circumstances. 

The Ahmedabad tragedy also highlights vulnerabilities in India’s aviation ecosystem, increasingly dominated by just two players—IndiGo and Tata group airlines (Air India and Vistara)—which together control nearly 90 percent of the market. This quasi-duopoly, despite Udaan and other regional airline schemes, limits competition and raises concerns over pricing, service quality, and most alarmingly, safety. 

Flying is becoming costlier and more fragile. High aviation fuel costs in India—among the world’s highest—along with supply chain constraints have pushed airlines to cut corners. There are growing passenger complaints about air-conditioning being kept off during boarding to save fuel. Some aircraft remain grounded for lack of spares—especially engines from Pratt & Whitney. As of this year, 133 aircraft across airlines of India or 16 percent of the fleet were grounded. 

The Directorate General of Civil Aviation (DGCA) fined Akasa Air, Air India, and IndiGo for repeated safety violations. SpiceJet was ordered to halve its operations in 2022. The Bureau of Civil Aviation Security (BCAS) has also levied multiple penalties—for instance, Rs 30 lakh on Air India and over Rs1 crore in fines on airport operators across Lucknow, Bhavnagar, Chennai, and Delhi for violating the 1937 Aircraft Rules. This year Mumbai airport was also penalised for ignoring safety. 

Most recently, DGCA inspections of Turkish Airlines flights between May 29 and June 2, 2025, revealed alarming safety breaches—unauthorized ground personnel at Bengaluru, missing documentation for dangerous cargo, and unaccounted equipment at Hyderabad and Chennai airports.

Statistically, Boeing appears to fare worse than Airbus on safety metrics in the U.S. Since 2014, Airbus aircraft have faced 10 technical malfunctions, but no fatal crashes. Boeing, in contrast, has reported 32 malfunctions and multiple fatal issues. While more Boeings are in operation, the frequency of groundings and incidents raises red flags.Despite this, the Tata Group has inked a massive deal for 500 Boeing aircraft to be delivered over the next decade—a stark contrast from earlier decades when India, through Indian Airlines and Air India, maintained a balance between Boeing and Airbus procurement under public ownership. 

Every time an aviation tragedy strikes, the default explanation tends to be “pilot or human error.” While human error is real, this narrative often absolves aircraft manufacturers and operators of deeper accountability. In the Ahmedabad case, it’s imperative that investigations go beyond the cockpit and scrutinize systemic safety lapses, fleet maintenance records, battery safety, and manufacturing standards. 

The DGCA’s report on an earlier in-flight shutdown incident on a B-787 (VT-ANW) in August 2023 is one of many warning signs. In November that year, the government admitted in the Rajya Sabha that 18 safety violations had been recorded across airlines, airports, and ground service providers in just three years. 

The aviation sector—by design—cannot afford to operate on the edge. When corporate profit, regulatory apathy, and weak oversight intersect, the result is not just turbulence—it’s tragedy. The Ahmedabad crash is not just an accident; it is a wake-up call. India’s aviation authorities must seize this moment to launch a full-scale, independent safety audit of all domestic fleets. Because in the sky, there is no room for error, and no margin for complacency.---INFA 

(Copyright, India News & Feature Alliance)

Trilateral Dialogue in Beijing: China’s Model of Stabilization or Regional Dominance? By Piotr Op Print E-mail

Spotlight

New Delhi 14 June 2025

Trilateral Dialogue in Beijing

China’s Model of Stabilization or Regional Dominance?

By Piotr Opalinski               

On May 21, 2025, an informal, tripartite meeting of the foreign ministers of China, Wang Yi, Pakistan’s Ishaq Dar, and Afghanistan’s Amir Khan Muttaqi was held in Beijing. The aim of this Chinese initiative was to ease tensions between Islamabad and Kabul, which had intensified after the deportation – from April 1, 2025 – of over 84,000 Afghans from Pakistan under the second phase of the Illegal Foreigners Repatriation Plan. The meeting also served as a platform for dialogue on deepening economic and infrastructure cooperation, including the extension of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) project to Afghanistan. It was announced that the next round of talks would be held in Kabul. 

China pursues a highly pragmatic policy towards the Taliban government. Despite the lack of formal recognition, it maintains full diplomatic relations at the ambassadorial level – indicating de facto recognition resulting from strategic and economic calculations. This pragmatic approach is driven by both security considerations – particularly those related to the situation in the Xinjiang region and countering extremism – and important economic interests. 

Chinese companies have already signed concession agreements with the Taliban government, including in the field of oil extraction (USD 540 million), and are also planning investments worth USD 10 billion in the lithium deposits sector. Work is underway to launch a copper mine in Mes Aynak – one of the largest unexploited deposits of this raw material in the world, managed by the Chinese company MCC. Beijing is also financing the construction of road infrastructure, including a route connecting Badakhshan province with Chinese Xinjiang via the Wakhan Corridor. These investments not only strengthen China's economic presence, but also aim to create a safe transport corridor, bypassing areas not controlled by the Taliban. 

From a security perspective, Beijing expects the Taliban to firmly curb the activities of Islamist groups that threaten China, especially the East Turkestan Islamic Movement (ETIM). Chinese authorities have consistently emphasized that Afghan territory cannot be used as a base of operations for separatist groups. 

China’s relations with Pakistan are strategic and long-term. Islamabad is considered by Beijing as an “iron friend for all seasons,” which is reflected in infrastructure, economic and military cooperation. Of fundamental importance is the expansion of CPEC, a flagship project of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), which provides China with land access to the Indian Ocean through the port of Gwadar. 

Beijing is pressuring Pakistan to step up protection of Chinese investments and personnel in the face of repeated terrorist attacks. The joint coordination of policies toward Afghanistan aims not only to limit the influence of armed groups but also to create effective trade routes and promote stability in the difficult border region. 

The Beijing meeting is part of China's broader strategy of building a regional security architecture independent of Western influence. The tightening of cooperation with Pakistan and Afghanistan can be interpreted as an attempt to form a "regional stabilization triangle" based on diplomacy, infrastructure investment and energy security. 

Extending CPEC to Afghanistan could transform the country into a regional trading hub , linking the Middle East, Central Asia, and Europe. While the project promises economic growth and stability, it has also drawn opposition—particularly from India—that has hindered broader regional integration and increased the risk of geopolitical polarisation. 

India has expressed strong opposition to the expansion of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor into Afghanistan, viewing it as a violation of its sovereignty and a threat to its strategic interests in the region. The main sticking point is the fact that CPEC runs through the Pakistan-administered part of Kashmir, which India considers an integral part of its state. As such, any infrastructure projects in this area are considered illegal and unacceptable by New Delhi. 

Expanding CPEC also raises concerns in India about the strengthening of China and Pakistan in the region, which could undermine New Delhi’s strategic ambitions in Central Asia. India has invested heavily in developing the Chabahar port in Iran, which is expected to provide a key link in an alternative trade route to Afghanistan and beyond to Central Asia. Including Afghanistan in CPEC could limit the significance of this project and reduce India’s influence in the region. 

In addition, New Delhi is concerned that China's presence in Afghanistan could increase security threats, including the risk of Afghan territory being used by groups operating against India. New Delhi therefore appeals to the international community to heed these concerns and refrain from supporting projects which it believes have the potential to deepen instability and perpetuate geopolitical divisions. 

Although New Delhi does not formally recognise the Taliban government, it maintains pragmatic contacts with it – mainly concerning security and trade, motivated by strategic considerations and concern for its own interests in the region. According to unofficial media reports, in early May, during the escalation of Indian-Pakistani tensions after the Pahalgam attack, Mullah Muhammad Ibrahim Sadr, the Taliban's deputy interior minister for security, was supposed to be in the Indian capital. A few days later, on May 15, Foreign Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar had a telephone conversation with the acting head of Afghan diplomacy Amir Khan Muttaqi, thanking him for condemning the attack and distancing himself from the Pakistani narrative. Issues of economic, visa and transport cooperation were also raised, including the use of the Chabahar port bypassing Pakistani territory. 

In addition, despite the closed border crossings with Pakistan, India allowed 160 Afghan trucks carrying dried fruits to enter through the Wagah-Attari border. These actions indicate India's pragmatic approach, which is trying to secure its interests in Afghanistan and balance the influence of China and Pakistan in the region. 

Through simultaneous diplomatic engagement towards Pakistan and Afghanistan, China is consistently building a narrative of its own role as a mediator and guarantor of regional stability. Its infrastructure and economic investments are both a tool for building influence and a challenge to regional and supra-regional powers such as India and the United States. 

Beijing knows that its presence in Afghanistan and involvement in projects such as CPEC will be met with further criticism and resistance from many countries, notably over sovereignty issues and ethnic and religious tensions. But it’s clear “connector” strategy – between Central Asia, South Asia and the Middle East – points to China’s growing role as a regional leader. 

The meeting in Beijing is an important step towards building a trilateral format of cooperation that can bring stability, but also potentially contribute to new divisions in South Asia. The China-Pakistan-Afghan "triangle " shows that the geopolitics of this region is taking on a new dimension, combining economic interests with security challenges and great-power rivalry. The development of the situation will depend on the parties' further ability to compromise, which may prove to be particularly difficult due to the deep prejudices and distrust between Kabul and Islamabad, as well as the reactions of external actors, especially India and the US, which will not easily accept Beijing's growing influence.---INFA 

(Copyright, India News & Feature Alliance)

<< Start < Previous 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Next > End >>

Results 19 - 27 of 6263
 
   
     
 
 
  Mambo powered by Best-IT