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Round The World
New Delhi, 3 October 2025
Mending Ties With US
NEW DELHI MUST BEGIN
By Dr. D.K. Giri
(Prof of Practice,
NIIS Group of Institutions)
The bilateral ties with the US are at all-time low in recent times. The
cancellation of Trump’s trip to India for Quad summit seals the deal on the
divergences. One can no more count on Donald Trump’s capricious nature which
could bounce back the relations to normalcy. Things have gone wrong. New Delhi
must seriously introspect to set these right. The question to ponder is whether
New Delhi is wanting to, or if so, doing it the right way.
New Delhi needs to re-read Edward Murphy’s law that states, “Anything
that can go wrong, will go wrong.” Instead of accepting it as a fait accompli,
New Delhi should begin to strategize on America. The other part of Murphy’s law
is to encourage imagination and preparedness for pro-active problem-solving.
This is what is needed in case of America.
Before we discuss how to mend the ties, it is necessary to recall the
missteps that may have caused this rift. The second question is, were those
unavoidable? First of all, it is the strategic issue. India, in recent times,
through the Foreign Minister, S. Jaishankar has been consistently harping on
two strategic themes – strategic autonomy and a multi-polar world. Strategic
autonomy is really an esoteric diplomatic expression. Any sovereign country in
the world, however weak militarily or small economically, should claim
strategic autonomy. It is also not a claim, it is an entitlement under the
international law.
Second, India believes in a multi-polar world. I have debunked this
claim repeatedly that there is no historical evidence to support this
framework, since the First World War through Cold War to the present day. The
world has been bipolar. For a short period, since the collapse of the Soviet
Union, it was unipolar under the hegemony of America. But Sino-Russian alliance
supported by a few other countries is challenging American supremacy.
The third strategic element is Non-Alignment which is euphemistically
called strategic autonomy. Having talked about strategic autonomy,
Non-Alignment again had not served India well, could not be maintained as a
policy. So, it could not be pursued now.
The second set of missteps are related to policies and posturing which
have distanced New Delhi from Washington. On policy, the prime example is
India’s trade with Russia, in defence equipment although oil and gas are
drawing greater attention due to the Ukrainian war. Biden’s Administration’s
strategy vis-à-vis Ukraine war was different that did not put any pressure on
India. Biden’s America and its allies wanted to bleed Russia white, militarily
put Moscow on the defensive by heavily arming Ukraine.
Trump wants to end the war at any cost, as per his poll promise. He
wants to cut-off Russian economy from the rest of the world. India and China
buying Russian oil is funding its war mission, so says Trump. To stop this,
Trump put 50 per cent tariff on India. New Delhi apparently is still wanting to
buy Russian oil. So, the tariff and trade conflict may continue.
Note that India has been equivocal on Ukraine invoking dialogue and diplomacy
as legitimate tools to end the war. That will cut no ice. New Delhi could have
persuaded Russia to end the war, taken some initiatives, some formula for a
ceasefire. These could have assuaged the frayed sentiments of the West and
neutralised the perception that India is supporting Russia. On oil, New Delhi
could negotiate with US on the alternatives, buying from other sources, or
convincing the US that Indian purchase alone is not funding the Russian war.
New Delhi’s reactions have somewhat been confrontational, to say the least.
Third issue is posturing. On India-Pakistan war, Trump claimed multiple
times to have interceded to end it. For some reason, perhaps, sticking to the
Shimla Agreement, India denies any third party involvement. Does Shimla
Agreement apply to a war situation too? New Delhi could have deflected it. On
the other hand, Pakistan has endorsed Trump’s position and is cozying up to the
United States. Many observers are arguing that dehyphanation between India and
Pakistan has ended after this competitive posturing.
Trump’s refusal to come to Delhi for the Quad summit is another strong
signal. Quad has been an important structure for India vis-à-vis China although
New Delhi has so far underplayed it. Donald Trump, in his first term, was
working hard on Quad to counter China. Trump’s absence from the summit would
rob the significance of the event. The buzz is that Trump and Modi may meet at
the sidelines of ASEAN Summit in Kuala Lumpur by end October. On the other
hand, New Delhi is preparing to receive Putin in December. This reiterates the
growing gap between India and America.
But is it all India’s fault that relationship between the two countries
is declining? Is Donald Trump not responsible for keeping India away from
American strategy in Asia- Pacific that has been building over four decades
now. His failure to deal with Russia on Ukraine should not torpedo American
global politics, especially vis-à-vis China, its main rival. Taking on India, a
civilizational power, a sustained democracy, most populous country in the
world, appears to be an expression of his frustration. He is facing stiff
criticism in his own country for undoing the work done by America on India and
pushing New Delhi to Sino-Russian bloc.
In the long run, Trump’s policies may hurt America’s strategic and
international interests. Trump seems to completely ignore the past and is
seized by the present. Foreign policies take time to evolve when they involve
several other countries. Dramatic changes that Trump wants to bring about, may
not be possible and certainly not advisable in geo-politics.
Be that as it may, New Delhi must protect its national interests. Trump
has to be tamed. Indian lobbyists in Washington have not delivered so far. The huge
Indian Diaspora which is well-established could stand up and help mend ties.
Prime Minister Modi has always praised the role of Indian Diaspora across the
world in furthering India’s national interests. It is time Modi, with his
unrivalled reputation with Indian Diaspora calls them upon to nudge the Trump’s
Administration towards India. New Delhi can ill-afford to fall-out with
America, despites its links with Russia or China.
It is another matter whether continued alliance with Russia and China
through BRICS or SCO is beneficial to India. Does it not compromise India’s
strategic autonomy? Can New Delhi continue to be in both camps, like in the
past, now in pursuance of multi-alignment? Will such a position win the
confidence of either? Is it not necessary to choose between democracy and
authoritarianism, war and peace, national interests and international law? It
is indeed a fine balance, as well as matter of choice at critical times. That
is the test of a foreign policy. ---INFA
(Copyright, India News & Feature Alliance)
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