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Round The World
New
Delhi, 22 August 2025
From
Alaska to Washington
Unceasing Ceasefire in Ukraine
By Dr. D.K. Giri
(Prof of Practice,
NIIS Group of Institutions)
Despite
two successive summits of world powers within days, the war in Ukraine
continues unabated. Oddly enough, there is no ceasefire in sight as the
international interlocutor and peace- maker Donald Trump prepares for a
trilateral meeting between himself, Russian President Vladimir Putin and
Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy. In Washington summit on the 18th
August, German Chancellor Friedrich Merz aptly remarked, “I cannot imagine that
the next meeting could take place without a ceasefire”.
Let
us recall the outcome of both the summits in order to pontificate on the future
course of action on this horrific war in Ukraine that started in February 2022.
The attention of the whole world was fixed on the Alaska Summit on 15 August between
Trump and Putin. This was so because the former claims to be a deal-maker and a
peace-broker although there are divided opinions about this across his country.
The European leaders like Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni and NATO
Secretary General Mark Rutte have somewhat admired Trump’s initiative and the
leadership. Meloni said that, for the first time, she saw signs of peace in
Ukraine; whereas Rutte recognised Trump’s leadership in brokering a deal. Those
may be parts of the ‘charm offensive’ as Europe is fully dependent on America
on the Ukrainian war and its own security.
Talking
of the outcome of the Alaska Summit, there was no concrete conclusion to the
war, starting with a ceasefire. In that sense, it did not yield a breakthrough.
The European Union as well as USA would have liked to see a ceasefire during
the course of negotiations towards a peace agreement. At the same time, Russian
leadership had resisted the calls for a ceasefire. The points on the table at
Alaska were mainly the Russian conditions for a ceasefire and eventual peace
agreement. They were: recognition of the territories it has already annexed,
‘Ukraine’s neutrality’ and ‘demilitarisation’ on the Russian borders. Russia
would like the borders drawn at Zaporizhzhia and Kherson, and full control of
Donbas. Trump’s condition was only one; ‘peace at any cost’.
At
the meeting in Washington, the conditions put forth by Zelenskyy and European
countries present, are not fully known yet. The European leaders included
Emmanuel Macron, Keir Starmer, Giorgia Meloni, Mark Rutte (NATO Secretary
General), Friedrich Merz, Finnnish President Alexander Stubbs and the EU
Commission President Ursula von der Leyen. All these leaders constitute,
‘coalition of the willing’. At the end of the meeting, Trump called the Russian
President and talked for 40 minutes mainly to fix a trilateral meeting sooner
than later. He sounded out to the world that USA will extend security
guarantees to Ukraine in a post-war scenario.
If
the talks for a peace agreement in the aforesaid trilateral meeting fails,
Trump did not rule out US involvement in the war with its ‘unique aviation
power’, although he asserted that Europe will be the first line of defence and
USA will not put the boots on the ground. Zelenskyy came out of the meeting
with a 90 billion USD arms deal comprising aviation system and anti-missile
system.
Some
of us have been focusing on the involvement of Poland and India in the
Ukrainian war. Both India and Poland are frontline states, (India against
China) having a great deal of stakes in the war. Poland borders Russia as India
has a long stretch of border with China. Russia and China have authoritarian
and expansionist leadership, and what is worse; they are in a ‘for-ever
alliance’. So reactions of these two countries, shaping their strategies are
important for observers and analysts to watch. Both countries are rising world
powers with a fresh set of principles for world politics, having undergone,
unlike many other European countries, the agony of colonisation.
Alaska
did not bring any fresh winds for India. There was no change of American
current policy towards India. High tariffs on Indian goods will continue for
now. Indian foreign policy based recently on Prime Minister Modi’s bonhomie
consisting of handshakes and embraces is being pushed to its limit. Modi’s open
support to Trump’s candidature for the second term in 2020 and later, Trump’s
welcome to India, Namaste Trump (Salute Trump) have faded into
inconsequence. Trump believes in the present without much reference to the past.
India will now have to deal with the rest of the term of Trump’s presidency.
New Delhi has perhaps begun doing so by lurching back to Moscow and seeking to
contain China. In that context, it may be noted that Putin debriefed Modi on his
meeting with Trump at Alaska. The current Indian reaction to Trump’s highhanded
approach towards India is of course debatable.
In
Warsaw, there have been strong reactions to the Alaska meet. Even before the Summit,
the Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk had expressed, “many fears and much
hope”. It was the manifestation of a serious and mixed anticipation. The Polish
media however strongly reacted to Trump’s hinting at Ukraine conceding the
territories grabbed by Russia. Polish perspective prominently placed in the
media is that, “Alaska was the modern version of Yalta Conference of 1945 which
had left Poland and the other Eastern European states under the Soviet control.
It was a betrayal for Europe and Ukraine”.
Poland
has not been in favour of Ukraine giving away its territories. Prime Minister
Donald Tusk had said, “State borders may not be changed by force”. This
perspective is echoed in French President’s Macron’s stronger view that, “Putin
has sought to redraw borders to increase his power. He needs to keep eating
territories. That means he is a predator, an ogre at our gates”.
Also,
Poland was left out of the high table in East Room at Oval where Trump met
Zelenskyy and other European leaders. That was a conspicuous absence of Poland
as Warsaw bears the brunt of Russian invasion, and now a continental military
powerhouse. To rub salt into the wound, Finland, a ‘minnow’ among European
powers, was invited. This may partly be explained by the structural ambiguity
in Polish foreign policy. The foreign policy portfolio of Poland is split
between the President and the government. Although, day-to-day foreign affairs
are conducted by the government, the President has certain privileges –
ratifying treaties and representing the country on the international stage.
The
above-said ambiguity was eminently exposed in 2008 when both President and the
Prime Minister turned up to a European Union meeting. Interestingly, Donald
Trump wants the new Poland’s President Karol Nawrocki, a MAGA (Make America
Great Again) supporter to represent Poland not the Prime Minister, Donald Tusk.
The Prime Minister is a robust pro-European with a nationalist bent of mind.
However, unless Poland resolves this structural duality of its foreign policy,
it may be hamstrung in conducting its world affairs.
To
reiterate, what I have been advocating in this column, India and Poland need to
come closer in sharing and shaping their international outlook. Both countries
can successfully contribute to a permanent peace agreement between Russia and
Ukraine. Poland should mobilise Europe as India works on Russia. Europe must
play a bigger role commensurate with its potential in international issues over
which it currently has limited influence. ---INFA
(Copyright, India
News & Feature Alliance)
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