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Open Forum
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Enlargement Imperative: IS EU ON ADEQUATE PATH?, By Prof. Danuta Hübner, 21 Feb 2026 |
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Spotlight
New Delhi, 21 February 2026
Enlargement Imperative
IS EU ON ADEQUATE PATH?
By Prof. Danuta Hübner
(Expert, Centre For Intl Relations, Poland)
The unprecedented environment in which Ukraine has been preparing for European
Union membership, reminds the fight for its future goes beyond the battlefield
and security guarantees, including its reconstruction and integration. This
accession is not only about the benefits of membership for Ukraine, but about it
taking its share of responsibility for the European continent. In short, this
is a path toward a stronger and more resilient Europe, a historic opportunity
for Ukraine and Europe regarding development of new markets, strengthening of
supply chains, and of stability in a region historically prone to instability.
Ukraine's close ties with the EU did not begin with its application for
membership. They have been growing since 1994, when the first EU-Ukraine
partnership agreement was signed. At that time, and after 2004 enlargement,
both European Commission (EC) and European Parliament (EP), maintained close
contacts with Ukraine in support of institutionalising the relations, including
trade, single market, regional policy and democracy.
It’s also true that when at start of 1990s preparing the first ever
Eastern enlargement had begun, Ukrainian politicians and officials were
expressing their deep worries that this major Eastern enlargement would be a
new European iron curtain.
There are many similarities between the Eastern enlargements of EU in
2004, 2007 and 2013, but differences too. Certainly, their enormous
geostrategic importance and democratic consolidation of this part of the
continent gave a strong base for making this gigantic step. From the economic
point of view, it was both a challenge and an unprecedented opportunity. But it
was also a huge administrative effort for countries with no tradition of civil
service, no capabilities of horizontal coordination, or territorial solidarity,
with dominant vertical structures, low wages and social status of those
employed in public administration.
In 1990s, when countries of Central and Eastern Europe were preparing
for EU accession, the world around was divided. New countries emerged
practicing democracy, but assertive regimes of autocrats and dictators remained
in the neighbourhood. Accession to EU was a guarantee of the irreversibility of
the transition to a market economy and democracy, freedom and security.
Today, geopolitical polarisation is much stronger and unpredictable. The
EU is undergoing a profound revolution, reinventing itself to boost its
security, competitiveness potential and its global role. Transatlantic
relations, which were mutually reinforcing, are no longer so. Political will
among 27 member states to move forward on the new “big bang enlargement” doesn’t
seem cast in stone.
While before 2004 opponents of enlargement came up with a theory the
Union should first deepen and only then expand, the only reform imperative was
related to political reform. Eventually, the treaty was amended. This was
considered justified by the necessity of institutional adjustments.
In 2022, when Ukraine and Moldova received the candidate status, joining
other candidate countries, the intention was to demonstrate to Putin what was
Europe’s preferred political order on our continent. That was European
geopolitical reaction to aggression. While previous Eastern enlargements were
about democracy, the current one is first about security. Yet security is not
part of the accession negotiations. While not all EU members are NATO members,
enhanced defence cooperation implies collective defence efforts. Also, we see
growing presence of China in candidate countries, expanding its influence, linked
to security.
The questionnaires and the screening could have allowed the Commission
to link better enlargement and defence policies to evaluate candidates’
readiness for a geopolitically stronger Europe and alignment of defence
sectors. Of course, greater EU oversight could be rejected by candidates or
member states, but then another mechanism would be needed for the enlarged
Union to ensure defence cooperation leading to integration and interoperability
in the security domain, for non-NATO states.
There are some aspects of the current enlargement process, where doubts
emerge regarding its adequacy to the challenges and forces behind it. The abuse
by some member states of using negotiation blocking power. This is not a
novelty, but its geopolitical and ideological nature is. The tradition of
blocking accession negotiations started with Greece blocking in 2008 Macedonia,
preparing to join NATO and the most advanced candidate for membership in
Western Balkans. The agreement was reached in 2018, but then the veto came from
Bulgaria demanding from the Northern Macedonia a change of its constitution.
Undoubtedly both vetoes had dramatically negative impact not only on the
enlargement process but also on political situation in the candidate country.
Hungary vetoes the initiation of negotiations with Ukraine, pairing it with
Moldova. It is true for continuation of the system where all elements of
negotiation process are approved through unanimity. This is not demanded by the
treaties and is a sheer political practise.
There seemed to be understanding that Ukraine’s accession cannot be
considered in the cost and benefit perspective only. There is hardly any public
visibility of a debate about how EU will benefit from this enlargement
economically and geopolitically, and how the global influence of Europe will be
strengthened. The same is true for prevailing understanding that Ukraine’s
accession would strengthen the EU competitiveness and innovation potential.
A deeper reflection on the new enlargement takes place mostly in some
European think tanks. Lack of political understanding of the risk related to
extending the negotiation period, in particular in case of Ukraine, leading to
a kind of permanent candidate status, known only too well by some candidates
from Western Balkans, not to mention Turkey, generates a risk that as time goes
by, especially as the war drags on, public opinion in EU could shift towards
perceiving Ukraine as a burden.
Experience shows negotiations shouldn’t last more than four years. There
might also be French referendum on the next enlargement, to be decided by newly
elected President in 2027 elections in France. This will decide on Europe’s integration.
While this enlargement seems to be a European imperative, its link with
European reforms, not long ago seen as necessary, has been lost. At same time
the EC President made it clear there’s no appetite for Treaty change. But she
has announced a new generation of Accession Treaty. That might imply
redefinition of what membership means which sounds deeply controversial or that
those ready to join from day one would not be granted full rights as member
states enjoy. It seems this approach goes beyond transition periods or enhanced
cooperation and implies some sort of safeguards followed by additional
verification mechanisms-- meaning going back to mechanism applied to Bulgaria
and Romania, which didn’t pass a test of effectiveness.
We might be back to the concept of enlargement based on the principle
“all but institutions”. The Union would wait first for its own political will
to introduce institutional reform and then proceed with full rights for new
members. So, it would be a solution without legal basis. This approach might
lead to a different from already established concept of progressive
enlargement.
When it was proposed by EC it was not trusted by Ukrainians, who saw it
as a delaying full accession factor. Potentially redefined progressive
integration might be used as an integration mechanism for a slower process.
That might mean the new generation of Accession Treaty could offer progressive
integration which would be rather a regressive one.
A commitment for such a review was made by the Commission President in EP
in March 2024. In this context several research institutions made proposals
regarding the cost of this enlargement for the European budget. The commitment
was several times postponed, the last date mentioned was the November 4th,
combining the policy review with enlargement package 2025. Again, there was no
report on that date. In October 2025, the EP has adopted their own report.
It is good to hear from EC that enlargement is the best geopolitical
investment of the Union. It’s clear that Russian invasion on Ukraine and
political situation in Belarus are a proof of the failure of both European
neighbourhood and enlargement policies. But between February 2022 and beginning
of 2026 four years have passed, accession negotiations with Ukraine cannot be
triggered since one member state is blocking them.
Meanwhile, Chinese expansion in Europe has exploded. The failure of
presenting the reform of policies, shows rather a cautious position of EC in
context of ambiguity of Council. The possibility of the big enlargement is off
the table. Whatever the enlargement model will be, and I think the most likely
a kind of regatta approach will be reality, one day the moment will be reached
when there will be the Union of 35.
And it’s unimaginable that one day the EU could say to candidates that
it’s not ready to offer them membership. There is no reason why a coalition of
the willing could not launch such a debate. It is very important that the Union
spares no effort and does not allow that in public domain appear ideas that are
taking the credibility of the enlargement process down. This is undermining
Europe’s objective to enhance its global position, its democracy consolidation,
its security. ---INFA
(Copyright, India News & Feature Alliance)
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Macron Meets Modi: An Ever-Growing Partnership, By Dr. D.K. Giri, 20 Feb 2026 |
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Round
The World
New Delhi, 20 February 2026
Macron Meets Modi
An Ever-Growing Partnership
By Dr. D.K. Giri
(Prof of Practice, NIIS Group of Institutions)
The jogging by Emmanuel Macron,
the President of France in the streets of Mumbai is not only a story of routine
physical exercise, it is also a sign of the fast-growing friendship between two
countries. The bilateralism between France and India is deepening by leaps and
bounds. The elevation of the ties into a Special Global Strategic Partnership
indicates how the relationship is becoming comprehensive and multi-dimensional.
The partnership has stood the test of time.
French President Emmanuel Macron is currently on a
three-day visit to India, which began on February 17, 2026. His visit aimed at
strengthening bilateral ties focusing on areas like trade, defence, innovation
and technology. The highlights of the visit include the launching of India-France
year of innovation, the elevation of partnership, AI Impact Summit, and defence
cooperation, mainly the procurement of 114 Rafael fighter jets and joint
production of helicopters. The visit reflected the growing strategic
convergence between India and France with shared interests in the Indo-Pacific
and global stability.
The main driver for this growing partnership is the
adherence to strategic autonomy in the foreign policies of both countries. Let
us recall that during the Cold War, as the West overlooked India for its Non-Aligned
approach, France was more accommodative to India than its fellow-member
countries in NATO. This was because France did not succumb to American pressure
and refused to completely toe its line. In 1998, when India carried out the
nuclear test, France was the only western power that did not impose economic
sanctions on New Delhi. Not only that, Paris did not withhold cooperation with
India in nuclear energy.
France has been the first country in the world that
recognizes India as an independent power centre, a credible democracy, offering
economic opportunities for the world. There has been a consensus in French
politics that if European Union has to carve out an independent political
identity apart from alignment with America or China, it must embrace India.
This perspective was amply manifested in Macron’s latest visit to India.
Macron asserted that both countries oppose domination
of any kind from India-Pacific to any field of technology in any part of the
world. He likened friendship with India to a sovereign alliance. Prime Minister
Modi in his response said, “Both countries believe in a multipolar world and
are working diligently to make it happen”. He implied that France and India
will collaborate on global issues without being beholden either to America or
China. It is possible that a ‘third way’ may be created. This option is not
without any ground. In recent times, Europe has been hurt by China’s
aggrandizing policies and the insulting behavior of Donald Trump. France feels
bound to explore the third way.
The ties between France and India in defence sector
are growing stronger day-by-day. It is evident from the facts that France is
next only to Russia in exporting defence equipment to India. It will be no
surprise if France overtakes Russia in near future if one takes into account
the increasing number of agreements on the sale of fighter jets, submarines,
and the joint production of defence material. To counter China and consolidate
power in Asia, France is set to co-manufacture Rafael aircrafts, H-125
helicopters, HAMMER missiles, scorpene submarines and the fifth generation of
jet engines.
Notably, France does not sale any deadly weapons to
China or Pakistan whereas Russia has been supplying sophisticated weaponry to China,
and America to Pakistan. The collaboration between France and India is not
limited to export of arms. Keeping the importance of emerging technologies in
strategic thinking, France and India have constituted a Joint Advanced
Technology Group which will co-develop emerging technologies, secure military
supply chains, and maintain the competitive strategic advantage. This Group
also included critical minerals, collaboration on AI, digital technology,
aerospace and innovation. This initiative falls under the broader framework of
2026 India-France Year of Innovation. In the light of such agreements, Prime
Minister Modi said, “Our partnership may grow boundlessly from the deepest
ocean to the highest mountain”.
The partnership is evolving innovatively. Prime
Minister and President Macron jointly inaugurated the India-France Innovation
Forum in Mumbai on 17 February, calling it a reflection of the deepening
strategic partnership, shared democratic values, and expanding collaboration in
innovation and technology. This will open up scope for work for scientists,
researchers, traders, and entrepreneurs from both countries. France and India
are becoming active in the fields of AI, space, and aviation.
The AI World Conference, currently in progress in
India was initiated jointly by France and India. Both countries are working for
democratization of AI which should be used for common good. Both leaders
inaugurated the Franco-Indian Centre for AI in health, jointly led by AIIMS, Sorbonne
University and the Paris Brain Institute. Prime Minister Modi dreams of taking
India into the top three AI powers in the world. In this journey, India would
need the support of developed countries like France.
As France is perceived to be the voice of the European
Union, the deepening of partnership will be good for India’s expanding
relationship with the other 26 European countries. The recently concluded FTA
with the European Union is one sign of such corollary dividends. Also, France
is seeking to recalibrate its profile in Africa and is intending to draw India
into Africa in a triangular collaboration. The French bases in the Indian Ocean
and India-Pacific have lent strategic support to India. India-France friendship
has yielded tangible results so far and one can be optimistic that the
elevation of ties to Special Global Strategic Partnership will manifestly shine
in many parts of the world.
Finally, Macron’s strong endorsement of the UPI system
puts India into a league of its own. Macron said, “India builds something no
other country in the world can…. a digital identity for 1.4 billion people, a
payment system that now processes 20 billion transactions every month, a health
infrastructure that has issued 500 million digital health IDs. The sheer size
of coverage of any new technical initiative is unparalleled in India which is
the most populous democratic country in the world. So, if India can leverage
its demography, democracy and diversity, then India’s growth into a world power
is unstoppable. Macron realizes it, appreciates and endorses it. But does India
leadership realize its own strength and seek to preserve and build on it?---INFA
(Copyright, India
News & Feature Alliance)
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TOWARDS INDO-U.S. FRIENDSHIP, By Inder Jit, 19 Feb 2026 |
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REWIND
New
Delhi, 19 February 2026
TOWARDS
INDO-U.S. FRIENDSHIP
By
Inder Jit
(Released
on 5 November 1976)
Both New Delhi and
Washington will need to keep their fingers crossed. By all accounts, Dr Kissinger's visit was
truly a success. Years of nagging distrust and misunderstanding has been
removed in a big way. Important first moves have been made to establish a basis
for what the Secretary of State so aptly described as “a new and mature
relationship” between the two countries. A promising rapport has been struck
between Dr Kissinger and Mrs Gandhi and other top Government leaders: Mr
Chavan, Mr Jagjivan Ram and Mr. C. Subramaniam; a rapport had already been
established with Mr Swaran Singh who prepared the ground for the Secretary’s
visit. Early follow-up steps are already on the cards. The U.S. Agriculture
Secretary Mr Butz, may visit New Delhi soon after the World Food Conference in
Rome and the U.S. Secretary of Treasury, Mr. Simon in December.
Indo-US understanding is
expected to be strengthened further by these two visits, which will be followed
by a renewed exchange when Mr. Subramaniam, who had a useful talk with Dr.
Kissinger, visits Washington for an IMF meeting in January and Mr. Chavan some
weeks later for the second session of the Indo-US Joint Commission. In keeping
with national dignity and self-respect, Mrs. Gandhi and her colleagues avoided
broaching the specific question of U.S. aid to India and relating it to Dr.
Kissinger’s visit. The emphasis all along was to seek an understanding on
various aspects of bilateral relations, the situation in the subcontinent and
in South Asia and a review of the global scene with particular reference to the
crisis facing the world community. However, Washington has now greater (and
more sympathetic) awareness of India’s economic difficulties and problems and
may well initiate some measures as proof of its new outlook and approach.
Washington now appears
inclined somehow to find a million tonnes of foodgrains for India, despite
heavy demands on its limited stocks and in contrast to its earlier willingness
to try and spare about half a million tonnes. This is likely to be made
available on a 40-year credit carrying an interest rate of about two per cent.
At the same time, Washington is expected to take a more helpful attitude in
regard to debt rescheduling in view of the colossal problem created by the
import bill for food, oil and fertilizers which is expected to go up to Rs.1500
crores --- or even Rs. 1,800 crores during the year. The World Bank has been
pressing the U.S. and other aid-India Consortium countries to reschedule 40 per
cent of the debt repayment. West Germany, Britain and Japan have been generally
inclined to accept the recommendation. But the U.S. so far been opposing the
proposal and, in the process, has provided an excuse to the other Consortium
countries to drag their feet.
Mrs Gandhi and her
colleagues appear determined to tackle the economic crisis on their own and
with help from wherever it is available so long as this is consistent with
national honour. They are not going to be influenced by the hostile stance
adopted against the Kissinger visit by the CPI which alas continues to think in
out-dated cold-war terms and is being a lot less practical than its Soviet
friends. Barely a few months ago, a senior leftist Congress leader, who visited
Moscow and met top Soviet leaders, was candidly told: "India's main
problem today is production, not distribution. We are doing our best for you
friends. But you need much more help and credit. Get it from the U.S. or
wherever else you can." That is not all. When the D.P. Dhar delegation
later visited the Soviet Union and sought, among other things, help for Bhilais
expansion, it was politely told: "You know what we believe should be your
priorities in production. Priority one: food. Priority two: food. Priority
three: food!"
New Delhi is more than
conscious of the need to give top priority to agriculture and is looking
forward to studying with interest the comprehensive programme which the U.S.
proposes to present to the World Food Conference “as its contribution to
freeing mankind from the eternal struggle for sustenance”. In fact, Dr.
Kissinger was glad to get from the President, Mr. Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed, some
food for though during their half-hour meeting. The President stressed the
importance of long-term measures to grow food for the world community with the
help of fertilizers (wherever these could be produced) and shared technology in
irrigation and power. India will be happy to get such fertilizer as the U.S.
can spare immediately and in the future. Incidentally, as interesting study
shows that the US uses some three million tonne of fertilizer annually for its
lawns and flower beds.
The economic side is,
however, the least part of the mutual Indo-US gain flowing from Dr. Kissinger’s
visit. The most important aspect lay in establishing a new basis for peace and
friendship. Both sides will hereafter act maturely and not be quick to air
differences stridently in public and even to exaggerate them. They will air
them privately as in the case of the Soviet Union. Actually, both New Delhi and
Washington have already been practising this for some time, thanks to the quiet
initiative taken earlier by Mr. Swaran Singh and the efforts of the Ambassadors
of the two countries, Mr. Kaul and Mr. Moynihan. Significantly, the US did not
hit the roof following India’s peaceful nuclear explosion at Pokhran as in the
case of Canada and Australia and, to an extent, the U.K. Washington also
avoided any public stance on the recent developments in Sikkim. On India’s
part, Mr. Swaran Singh’s speech at the UN was noted for its restrained
references to the U.S.
India is pleased to see the
U.S. face reality in the subcontinent and recognise that India’s size and
position give it a special role of leadership in South Asian and world affairs.
It is happy to have the Indo-US Joint Communique welcome India’s affirmation to
develop nuclear technology for peaceful purposes only. It is also glad to get
from Dr. Kissinger the assurance that the U.S. will not seek to promote a
balance of power in the subcontinent or encourage an arms race. But it is not
fully satisfied with the latter formulation and would, therefore, like to be
assured that Dr. Kissinger will not yield to Mr. Bhutto’s pressure and resume
supply of military hardware merely because Mr. Bhutto once acted as “a bridge”
between the U.S and China. It hopes Washington will accept India’s basic stake
in Pakistan stability and progress and that, contrary to Islamabad’s simulated
stance, New Delhi has no interest in the dismemberment of Pakistan.
Dr. Kissinger impressed one
and all by his brilliance, sophistication and statesmanship --- and was equally
impressed by the warmth and hospitality extended to him. He spoke the right
words and was remarkably categorical in assuming both Government leaders and
the Press that there would be no U.S. interference in India’s internal affairs.
He answered questions candidly at his Press Conference and left no one in doubt
that he was not willing to allow American newsmen to foul up his efforts. When
an American correspondent asked if India had “asked for food and, if so, how
much” he firmly replied: “I do not like to have the question put in terms of:
has India asked…” he listened patiently to the FICCI leaders at a brief
get-together and offered to put in a word for expeditious passage of trade
liberalization laws. In the final analysis, however, New Delhi will judge Dr. Kissinger
not by what he said but by what he does.---INFA
(Copyright, India News and Feature Alliance)
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Creating Employment:, BUDGET, FTAs & AFTER, By Dhurjati Mukherjee, 18 Feb 2026 |
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Open Forum
New Delhi, 18 February 2026
Creating Employment
BUDGET, FTAs &
AFTER
By Dhurjati Mukherjee
The hype around the budget will be over within a few days but the recent
trade deals need analysis, keeping in view the total potential in creating
jobs. The scenario does not look quite encouraging though there are some
positive points that cannot be denied. Questions have been raised about efforts
made with regard to job creation in the budget? Is it not another attempt to
woo the upper echelons of society? Another distressing aspect is the low female
labour force participation in India, which is low compared to even Bangladesh
and Pakistan. Women professionals have been wondering why a woman finance
minister has not taken any initiatives in this regard. These questions remain
unanswered in the budget.
However, the most important thing that needs
to be highlighted at the very outset is the fact that around 45 percent of the
population is still engaged in agriculture, obviously, the reason being lack of
better and dependable employment in the country. Agriculture as a sector is
growing far slower than the Indian economy – 4.4 percent vs 7.4 percent. Thus,
India’s protectionist stand in trade deals is undoubtedly justified. However,
economists ponder over the question of how many decades will it take to reduce
agricultural population, say, to around 20 percent.
The first thing that strikes us is that the government slashed the allocation
for the Pradhan Mantri Viksit Rozgar Yojana (PMVBY), an ELI scheme by over 90
percent in the RE over the budgetary estimate. Moreover, the government
allocated just Rs 95,692 crore for VB-GRAM G, that is set to replace MGNREGA,
is believed to be much less than the required funds as the scheme seeks a
guaranteed increase of employment per year to 126 days. It is quite
obvious that the new scheme might see a decline in performance as the fund
sharing formula has changed with the states having to bear 40 percent of the
expenditure, up from 10 percent under the MGNREGA. It would thus be easy for the Centre to blame the states if the new
scheme delivers less than that of the MGNREGA as is bound to happen.
The unequal income distribution skewed to urban centres results in
severe lack of employment opportunities in rural as well as semi-urban areas.
While the government refers to World Bank data to show the decline in poverty
levels, nobody questions what is the income improvement of the segment that has
crossed the line and whether they can afford the basic necessities. Something
favourable would have worked if the government would have allocated more money
for the job scheme and now, depending on the states for 40 percent contribution
may lead to a fiasco. The promise of 125 days of work per household will
obviously not be met though the Centre can’t be blamed.
Though there has been a lot of talk on skilling
programmes, it is amply clear that employment opportunities are shrinking and
both the Centre and the states are oblivious to the fact. However, the emphasis
on electronics and IT has been quite positive with iPhones being manufactured
in the country, creating around 2 lakh direct jobs. But the lack of adequate
resources for the health sector may stand in the way of creating employment for
para-medical staff, lab technicians, caregivers and the like. Though the
emphasis on manufacturing has rightly been given the necessary thrust over the
years and specially in the recent budget, a lot depends on the private sector
which is yet to come forward in a big way to invest in this sector.
As regards innovation is concerned again the
private sector does not spend adequately on R&D while most universities are
starved of funds. Added to this research fellowships have not seen any increase
in recent years while some have been reduced. In a situation where technology
upgradation is vital for new avenues and jobs, this obviously is not the right
strategy. It is necessary that both the public and private sectors allocate
adequate funds for R&D in tune with other emerging nations such as Brazil,
South Africa, Indonesia etc.
The emphasis on the MSME sector in the budget definitely needs to be
applauded as it represents the most significant opportunity for achieving
inclusive growth in this decade. To put this in perspective, with 63.4 million
enterprises contributing 30 per cent to GDP and employing over 100 million
people, the MSME sector’s economic footprint is much larger than the entire
economy of countries like Thailand or Sweden. MSMEs have a Rs 20-25 lakh crore
credit gap. Access to credit for this sector has to be ensured, specially by
the nationalized banks as it has immense employment generation potential.
While the emphasis on infrastructure is well
taken, more financial allocation for social infrastructure, that is, education
and health sectors could have opened job opportunities. This is something that
needs to be adhered to by both the Central and state governments as these are
vital areas and needs special focus. Moreover, it is indeed tragic that India
attracts just 1.3 percent of the world’s tourists and this sector, which is a
huge job creator, needs to be given a thrust as many smaller countries like
Thailand have been centres of attraction. The regulations in starting hotels
needs to be simplified while the cost structure must be brought down to
withstand competition.
Coming to the trade deals, the most important
one with the US revives hopes of generating jobs in labour-intensive areas like
textiles, footwear and gems and jewellery. Here it needs to be mentioned that
the emphasis in the budget on apparel, particularly textile modernisation and
footwear, needs to be applauded as this area has high potential in view of the
trade deals with the US and the European Union. These have rightly been
applauded by the prime minister at the recent ET NOW summit. But India should
not just depend on them but to create enhanced employment, it should go in for
aggressive marketing not just in the above markets but also in the new and
unexplored ones.
The point that needs to be made here is that
exports may be boosted up and may benefit the economy of the country and create
employment of skilled and highly skilled personnel cannot be doubted. Though
skilling has rightly been taken up on a big scale, the hype over AI needs to be
seriously considered in view of its potential to further reduce jobs.
However, the larger question remains of what
would happen to say semi-skilled, Class XII pass-outs etc. who do not even have
the money to set up a micro level unit. There is a need to think of some plan
to boost the rural economy so that adequate employment opportunities are
created – whether through self-employment or very small manufacturing units of
various types of goods. It is in this realm that an area-specific survey should
be conducted, and technical training imparted to those who could benefit. An overall
strategy is critical.---INFA
(Copyright, India
News & Feature Alliance)
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Anhoni Jab Honi Ho Jai: TALE OF PM, SPEAKER & RAHUL, By Poonam I Kaushish, 17 Feb 2026 |
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Political Diary
New Delhi, 17
February 2026
Anhoni Jab Honi Ho Jai
TALE OF PM, SPEAKER & RAHUL
By
Poonam I Kaushish
Fatigued
and bored of first phase of Parliament’s tumultuous Budget session. Wake up.
Three, unthinkable things happened
resulting in a first rate emotion-filled politico-drama. Questionably, anhoni jab honi ho jai, tab kya hua…
One,
Prime Minister Modi did not reply to President Murmu’s Motion of Thanks in Lok
Sabha on Speaker’s directions that he had “credible information that several Congress women MPs would create an
unprecedented incident after reaching Prime Minister’s seat.” Even as Congress
denied there was any plan to carry out an “unpleasant act” or physical threat,Birla
ignored it.
Raising
a moot point: Is the Prime Minister unsafe in India’s temple of democracy
Parliament? How and why? Given he enjoys
the highest security in the country. Besides, Parliament complex is secured by
hi-tech gadgets and installations alongside its security is handled by the
Central Industrial Security Force directly overseen by the Home Ministry.
This
in an extremely serious matter which should be thoroughly investigated and all
loopholes, if any, should be plugged immediately. Clearly, even by standards of current
political distrust this stretches credulity. Whereby, the Speaker’s conduct
invites criticism which he urgently needs to answer.
Two, 118 Opposition MPs submit a no-confidence notice
seeking Lok Sabha Speaker Birla’s removal. Accusing him of favouring BJP-led
NDA and not letting Opposition members speak during the Session. Opposition’s anger centres on Birla
not allowing Rahul Gandhi to speak in the House about ex-Army Chief Naravane
unpublished memoirs accusing him of openly espousing the ruling Party’s version
on all controversial matters.
In a climate of
polarisation there has been long-simmering friction between the Speaker and Opposition
reaching a flashpoint during the Winter Session when eight MPs were suspended
even as he let BJP MPs get away with similar conduct. Birla stands accused of
his “aggressive” posture during Opposition protests and his partiality to BJP.
Although Government has the numbers and the motion
against Speaker will be defeated when the House reconvenes 9 March, Birla, has
taken a moral high ground and decided he would not attend House proceedings
until a decision is taken on the no-confidence motion.
Who is to blame? BJP
which has hailed Parliamentary disruptions as a form of democratic protest and
indulged in them extensively in the past? Or Speaker who allegedly seems to
appear keen to protect the interests of the ruling dispensation? Or is it the
gradual erosion of democracy where, on one side, decorous debate has become
impossible, and on the other, even the prestige of a hoary position cannot make
office-bearers cast aside their private political leanings.
Till date, no Speaker has
been removed from Office though attempts have been made. In 1954 MPs moved a
motion against Speaker Mavalankar which was defeated, in 1966 against Hukam
Singh was not admitted as it lacked requisite number backers and in 1987
against Balram Jakhar again defeated with them continuing to hold office.
Forgotten
in the quintessential position, is the Speaker who is essentially servant of
the House has fast become its master, thanks to rules of procedure. Highlighting,
falling standards in conducting legislative business in Parliament and the need
to clearly define these.
Undoubtedly, the Speaker’s position is
paradoxical. He contests election for Parliament or State Assembly and then for
the post on a Party ticket, and yet is expected to conduct himself in a
non-partisan manner, all the while being beholden to the Party for a ticket for
the next election. Confided a former Lok Sabha Speaker: “We are elected on
Party tickets with Party funds. How can we claim independence? Moreover, even
if we resign on becoming Speaker, we would still have to go back to the Party
for sponsorship for next election.”
Three, a BJP MP initiates a substantive motion against
Leader of Opposition Rahul Gandhi for termination of his Lok Sabha membership
and a lifetime ban on contesting elections for being “an urban Naxal, hand in
glove” with “anti-national” forces. Adding, he has engaged with Soros
Foundation, Ford Foundation, USAID, travelled to US, Thailand, Cambodia and
Vietnam to engage in “anti-India” activities.
Besides, “he is very
cleverly fomenting public sentiments, levelling unsubstantiated allegations
against Election Commission, Supreme Court, lowering Government’s dignity
without any evidence.” It’s another matter the motion comes a day after Gandhi tore
into the India-U.S. trade deal, accusing Government of compromising national
interests.
Countered Congress, “We
are not bothered about any motions and if you want to hang us, we are ready for
that also. Which privilege has Gandhi broken? They removed him last time. What
happened afterwards people ensured his victory with more votes compared to that
of Modi...”
The key question is whether Government will
allow the matter to proceed to a vote. There have been past instances where
matters did not reach voting stage. Political
analysts assert many such motions are political statements rather than
steps to remove someone.
What’s the likely outcome? If the motion is discussed, it
will become a political debate in Parliament. The Speaker decides if any
further action is warranted whereby the motion could remain symbolic rather
than resulting in disqualification. Succinctly, the motion is serious
politically and symbolically, showing a strong BJP pushback. First, it must
navigate Parliamentary processes. But as of now it is not an immediate legal
removal or ban on Gandhi.
In this milieu is deflection
the new accountability? Is comparison
the new conscience? And is attacking an opponent answer to a moral question?
Where
does one go from here? Time to look afresh at the Speaker’s powers, depoliticize his office and promote neutrality. Under Westminster model, Speaker resigns from his Party on his election and
is re-elected unopposed in subsequent elections in the House of Commons. Lok
Sabha and Assembly Speaker’s impartiality is more important as he has more
absolute powers than his House of Commons’s counterpart.
Succinctly, the Speaker is of the House, by the House and for the
House. He has to place himself in a judge’s position, not become partisan so as
to avoid unconscious bias for or against a particular view thus inspiring
confidence in all sections of the House about his integrity and impartiality.
The three anhonis signal a breakdown of trust and harmony between Treasury
and Opposition benches leaving no room for manoeuvres for both sides. Having
ratcheted up the pitch both sides need to ask where they can go from here: Bury
the hatchet and restore Parliamentary ethos and honour through negotiation, not
removal.
As for Speaker the onus is on him and his
Office to earn the confidence of the Opposition, motion or no motion. Parliament
functions best when procedure is respected and political battles stay within
democratic norms. The moment of decision has arrived. There is no middle ground
left. What gives? ---- INFA
(Copyright,
India News & Feature Alliance)
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