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Poll Has Thrown Up Basic Issues, by Inder Jit, 23 November 2023 |
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REWIND
New Delhi, 23
November 2023
Poll Has
Thrown Up Basic Issues
By Inder Jit
(Released on 5 March
1985)
Several issues of basic importance to the future of our
polity have come up in the course of the poll battle for the State Assemblies.
What kind of a Union is India -- federal or unitary? Opinion over the past two
decades and more has been divided. There are many who feel that India, which is
a Union of States, essentially a federal polity. However, there are others who
feel that India is not quite a federation of states in the true or classical
sense of the term. Instead, it is a mixture of both and is some kind of a
federal-cum-unitary state. The confusion, perhaps, arises because of the
background and circumstances in which the Union of India came into being. In
the case of the United States of America, for instance, independent states
decided to come together even as they retained a measure of their independence
or autonomy. In sharp contrast, India at the time of independence was ruled by
the British from New Delhi as a unitary state. And, Princely India was under
its paramountcy.
True, British India was divided into provinces. Each
province had its own Government headed by a Prime Minister, as the heads of provincial
governments were then called. But the arrangement was for administrative
convenience. Absolute power vested in the Raj at New Delhi. Following
independence, the unitary polity was divided into States. The Centre retained
many of the powers of the Raj and gave the States a measure of genuine
autonomy. In other words, the unitary Centre voluntarily shed some of its
powers and shared these with the States and not vice versa as in the case of
the United States of America. Consequently, the past two decades have seen
stresses and strains grow and develop between the Centre and the States. As a
student of history, Nehru strongly believed that India’s real strength lay in
its rich diversity and, therefore, worked for a healthy federal polity. This,
he believed, would ensure for India richness which could not possibly come from
uniformity imposed from New Delhi.
Nehru was also clear that a federal, decentralised
polity with a strong Centre would ensure speedy and balanced growth. In fact,
he set up the Planning Commission to provide not only planned development for
the nation as a whole but also for planned development at the State level
through a federal de centralised set up on the economic plane. The Planning
Commission was made autonomous and virtually independent so that it could plan
for India’s development uninfluenced and unencumbered by the Government at the
Centre and its political complexion. Sir V.T. Krishnamachari was named the
Commission’s Deputy Chairman and Nehru as Prime Minister its first Chairman. De
facto, however, 'VT’ headed the Commission and Nehru was Chairman only to
provide a link between the planning body and the Government -- and to answer
questions on planning in the two Houses of Parliament. But the situation
changed following elevation of Indira Gandhi to Prime Ministership.
Slowly but surely, the autonomy of the Planning
Commission was eroded bit by bit and the country, in effect, sought to be run
as a unitary state through both constitutional and extra-constitutional
devices. (Remember, the role which Governors are now expected to play!) The
final denouement came when the Commission, originally conceived as a body of
independent experts, was virtually reduced to the position of a Government
department and the Planning Minister appointed its de facto head and named its
Vice Chairman. Simultaneously, the National Development Council, headed by the
Prime Minister, came to be transformed into a brazen instrument of the Centre
from its original concept of a body designed to fashion a national view on
planning and economic development at the political level and ensure unity in
diversity. Fortunately, Mr Rajiv Gandhi has sought to restore to the Planning
Commission its original autonomy. Dr Manmohan Singh, one of India’s eminent
economists, has been appointed its Vice Chairman and the States assured a fair
deal. But other issues have arisen in the meantime.
The Prime Minister has now taken the stand that the
same party should be in power at the Centre and in the States in the interest
of speedy and coordinated development. Initially, Mr Gandhi denied Press
reports that he had advocated one-party rule at the Centre and in the States.
However, the Congress-I manifesto for the Assembly poll
has taken the same stand. It reminds the voters that Parliament and the State
legislatures are creatures of the same Constitution and adds: “There is a clear
linkage between the Central and State Governments in the formulation and
implementation of development plans and programmes.”Undoubtedly, there is a
linkage between the Centre and the States. Equally, development is likely to be
more coordinated and smoother if the same party is in power at New Delhi and in
the States. But the stand taken by the Prime Minister and his party goes
against the letter and spirit of the Constitution -- as also the background.
There was nothing wrong in Mr Gandhi appealing to the
voters to elect Congress-I to power in each State that he visited in the course
of his poll campaign. But to many veteran observers of the national scene he
appears to have slipped up in linking the Centre and the States as a whole and
pleading for one-party rule in the country. What he has stated amounts to
holding the voters for the Assembly poll to ransom with the virtual threat:
“Vote for a Congress-I Government in your State or else...” Shorn of polite
verbiage, this amounts to giving notice that the States which vote for the
Congress-I are likely to get better or more favoured treatment than the others.
No wonder, therefore, that the Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh and the leader
of the Telugu Desam Party, Mr N.T. Rama Rao, reacted sharply and not only
demanded “legitimate allotment” of funds to the State from the Centre towards
welfare programmes but also gave a counter-threat. He said at one poll meeting
that there would be “bloodshed and great revolution” if due share of funds was
not allotted to the State. He further added: “We are not beggars to ask for
charity or alms. We are entitled to legitimate and due shares from the Centre.”
Centre-State relations have burst into
the open once again, as they did last July. Four Chief Ministers then walked
out of the meeting of the National Development Council in an unprecedented
protest. They were: Mr N.T. Rama Rao of Andhra
Pradesh, Mr R.K, Hegde, Karnataka, Mr Jyoti Basu, West Bengal and Mr Nripen
Chakraborty of Tripura. They left the NDC meeting to protest against Dr Farooq
Abdullah’s “anti-democratic and authoritarian dismissal”. Opinion was then
sharply divided on what came to pass. Mrs Gandhi and her Congress-I colleagues
were strongly of the view that it was wholly improper for the Chief Ministers
to have made “a political statement” at the NDC forum. The four Chief Ministers
were equally clear that the statement was perfectly in order. As Mr Hegde later
pointed out: The Chief Ministers are political beings. What is more, Chief
Ministers beginning with EMS of Kerala from Nehru’s time have made political
statements at the NDC meetings. There has been never any bar against making
them.
Impartially and candidly, both sides had a point. Mrs
Gandhi was partly correct when she said that the National Development Council
was only a forum for planning and national development and was not concerned
with politics. However, Mr Rama Rao, Mr Hegde, Mr Basu and Mr Chakraborty had
greater force --- and justice --- on their side. First, politics cannot be
separated from planning in any federal polity as Mrs Gandhi knew only too well.
Times out of number, she herself stated that national development was dependent
upon close co-operation between the Centre and the States. This had inevitably
led the NDC to a discussion on Centre-State relations and in the last case on
the question of New Delhi’s virtual coup in Srinagar --- and the credentials
and legitimacy of the successor State Government. Second, where else could the
Chief Ministers have raised the Kashmir question in the absence of political
forum? Nehru recognized this fact of life and did not, therefore, object when
EMS first and Annadurai subsequently made political speeches at the NDC.
Significantly, the founding fathers of the Constitution
recognised the need for a national political forum and wisely provided for one
in the shape of an Inter-State Council. Alas, few remember that the
establishment of an Inter-State Council was recommended in 1967 by a top-level
Study Team headed by Mr M.C. Setalvad, one of free India’s top constitutional
experts. The team, which submitted its report to the Administrative Reforms
Commission, included among its members Mr M. Bhaktavatsalam, Chief Minister of
Tamil Nadu and Mr Hitendra Desai, Chief Minister of Gujarat, was clear that the
Inter-State Council should take care of all issues of national importance in
which the States were interested. Indeed, Mr Setalvad, who as India’s first
Attorney General was invited by Nehru to address Parliament on certain crucial
matters, went one step further. He wanted the Inter-State Council to replace
the National Development Council, the Chief Ministers’ Conference, the Finance
Ministers’ Conference, the Food Ministers’ Conference and the National
Integration Council.
The Sarkaria Commission is, no doubt, going into
Centre-State relations. However, certain things need to be done without delay.
One such thing is the need to ensure genuine functional autonomy of the
Planning Commission. The appointment of Dr Manmohan Singh as its Vice Chairman
is to be welcomed. But this by itself is not enough. Much more needs to be done
to make the Planning Commission a truly autonomous body functioning as experts
in the best national interest. Unknown to most people, the Planning Commission
has no statutory base or authority. It was created through a Government
resolution and its Vice Chairman and Members hold office at the pleasure of the
Government. Originally, the term of the Vice Chairman and members was five
years. Today, however, their position is as insecure as that of the Governors.
The Planning Commission should be made a statutory body. What is more, it is
time for the President to set up an Inter-State Council which could perhaps be
given a better all-embracing name such as: National Affairs Council. Every
effort must be made to find a solution to the basic issues raised by the poll.
No scope should be left for any tension if India is to function as a happy and
healthy Union of States. --- INFA
(Copyright, India
News & Feature Alliance)
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Raising Work Productivity: MORE HOURS NOT AN ANSWER, By Dhurjati Mukherjee, 22 November 2023 |
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Open
Forum
New
Delhi, 22 November 2023
Raising Work Productivity
MORE HOURS NOT AN ANSWER
By Dhurjati Mukherjee
Increasing
workers’ productivity is an issue which has come into sharp focus following a
recent podcast of legendary co-founder of tech giant Infosys NR Narayana Murthy,
wherein he requested youngsters to work for ‘70 hours a week’. India’s work
productivity, he said “is one of the lowest in the world. Unless we improve our
work productivity... we will not be able to compete with those countries that
have made tremendous progress.” So, he added the “youngsters must say ‘This is
my country. I’d like to work 70 hours a week”.
Undeniably,
labour productivity in India is quite low compared to many countries, even in
the emerging economies. Thus, there is need to raise productivity, as efficiency
increase is the order of the day, and must be ensured to make India competitive
in the global market.
However,
the question arises whether this would be possible through more efficiency,
which could be brought about by use of technology and/or better planning etc.
or through extending a longer work week. The latter option is not evident in
most other countries and therefore may not be acceptable. Moreover, working
more hours per week does not necessarily improve work culture and standards.
While
urging the need for increasing productivity, the prevailing situation in the
country, not just in the modern industrial sector but also in the traditional
industrial sector in both big and medium industries needs to be considered. A
section of analysts has been harping more on the induction of technology than
in longer working hours. However, it may be mentioned here that in the
unregulated informal sector, the working hours are around 70 hours a week.
Some
feel that Murthy’s thesis is not quite correct as productivity is not necessarily
linked to how many hours people work. Indians already work longer hours than
most. The Indian government’s time-use survey in 2019 found that men
between the ages of 15 and 59 in urban India spent an average of 521 minutes a
day in paid employment. That translates to over 60 hours a week. The number is
even higher if you exclude those with only primary education. Indians,
according to an ILO report, already work long hours ‘worked an average of more
than 2,000 hours every year before the pandemic, much higher than the US,
Brazil and Germany.’
Murthy
pinpointed India’s underwhelming work productivity, ranking among the lowest in
the world, which is possibly not the fact. The case of China, which is
well known for high levels of efficiency and skill, needs to be studied. The
China Labour-Force Dynamics Survey in 2017 revealed that the average employee
in the People’s Republic spent just under 45 hours at work, though more than 40
percent reported that they were working over 50 hours a week.
There
are, however, some sectors in that country where the working hours are around 60-62
hours a week. But China’s progress and prosperity has been not because of long
hours of work but due to high technological prowess. During the pandemic, work
was being done from home but at least one survey found that Indians – may be
also the Chinese -- had to put in more unpaid overtime.
Murthy’s
comparison with Germany also does not appear convincing. Though Germany’s
workers in the 1950s certainly worked longer hours than, say, the British, the
total was still probably between 45 and 50 hours a week though presently it’s not
more than 50 hours a week. However, presently South Koreans have longer
working hours, which may be around 60 hours a week.
These
comparisons are aimed at highlighting the fact that working longer hours need
not necessarily boost productivity. Though Murthy has not referred to the
government sector, where it is generally believed that productivity is low, the
main reason that can be attributed for this is the lack of proper advance
planning. But even then, one can say that even without corporate level
efficiency, government hospitals have the best doctors and best
treatment is received in these places. Obviously, this is because of high
levels of skill and efficiency.
Recall
that more than a decade ago, Ratan Tata had complained to The Times,
London that the management of the British steel company (Corus) and
automaker (Jaguar Land Rover) he had taken over didn’t work hard enough. They
wouldn’t stay for meetings that lasted past 5 p.m.; offices emptied early on
Friday. Tata Steel’s hard-edged management, he implied, would soon set that
right. India Inc.’s luminaries lined up to drape themselves in the flag and
endorse their fellow billionaire.
The
five-day week culture may not be ideal for a developing nation like India, but
factories operate for six days a week and most private sector companies
also follow the same principle. It is necessary to mention here that if
corporate India wants workers to work longer hours, it will need to create high
productivity jobs for them. It is here that there is need to understand
the nature of employment of India’s workforce and whether such jobs can be
created for them.
With
more than 45 percent of India’s workers engaged in agriculture and another 40 percent
in enterprises employing nine or fewer workers, high productivity jobs are
scarce in the country. The reason is quite obvious -- we are yet to establish
an efficient and technologically developed structure. The huge labour force
does not find adequate employment and even those who find employment are
without jobs for around six months a year. Whether it be agriculture or
agro-based industries or even the informal sector, modernisation has not taken
place yet.
With
little capital and land to work on, the marginal product of labour is too small
to convince workers to work harder. Moreover, the situation is such that harder
work does not reach the employee in most cases but are taken away by the
employer in connivance with corrupt political leaders. All the talk of
increasing working hours is limited to the top corporate sectors which have
unfortunately got all the attention of the government and the country. In fact,
all the capital has been invested in these few sectors, which employs around
8-9 percent of the total workforce.
It is
now necessary that a change be brought about in the informal sector of the
country where pay structure, working hours, overtime allowance is fixed, and
workers are not allowed to be exploited. Entrepreneurs like Murthy can talk
about more working hours and can examine the labour put in by those who work in
the informal sector and devise ways and means and then advise the government to
conduct a comprehensive study towards reforming this sector and improving the
working conditions of the workers.---INFA
(Copyright, India News & Feature Alliance)
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Uniform Civil Code Anyone?: TIPTOEING STEALTHILY, By Poonam I Kaushish, 21 November 2023 |
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Political Diary
New Delhi, 21 November
2023
Uniform Civil Code Anyone?
TIPTOEING STEALTHILY
By Poonam I Kaushish
In this poll season of freebies galore interspersed with
vitriolic hate speeches and venomous tu-tu-mein-mein
by BJP and Congress on the assumption that populist hand-outs yield better
electoral rewards than reasoned policies, notwithstanding Prime Minister Modi crying
halt to free “revadi” culture, the BJP
Uttarakand Government in a groundbreaking move is quietly set to roll out the Uniform
Civil Code (UCC) a long-debated legal reform genie in a special Assembly
session this week granting it legal status.
The Bill aims at uniformity in personal laws, like marriage
registration, child custody, divorce, adoption, property rights and inter-State
property rights regardless of religious beliefs. Reportedly it gives importance
to safeguarding interests of women, children and differently-abled and covers equal
rights for daughters living on ancestral properties and gender equality. The State
also seeks a ban on polygamy and registration of live-in relationships..
Pertinently, the Code is BJP’s key agenda and Article 44
states: The State shall endeavour to secure for citizens a UCC throughout
India. It divests religion from social relations and personal laws related to
marriage, inheritance, family, land etc, bypasses contentious issue of reform
of existing personal laws based on religion --- Hindu Marriage Act (1955),
Hindu Succession Act (1956) and Muslim Personal Law Application Act (1937). It
would ensure all Indians are treated equally, provide gender equality and help
improve women’s condition and tribal communities.
Modi hoots for it. Asserting recently, “You tell me, if
there is one law for one person in a home, and another law for another person,
can that house function?” No. “So how can a country work with such a
hypocritical system? We have to remember that even the Constitution of India
talks of common rights.”
Questionably, why now? There are four theories going around
in BJP circles. One, it is part of a larger plan for the Saffron Brigade as
UCC’s implementation could represent a political breakthrough that advances a
narrative of uniformity and reform in law.
Two, Uttarakhand’s UCC is to test political waters on how
it will be received and could be the template that Central Government will
follow for a pan-India code. The Law Commission has begun consultation on it,
given Opposition vehement disagreement on grounds UCC would interfere in
religious groups personal laws and right of religious freedom unless religious
groups are prepared for change (sic). It is a ‘minority versus majority’ issue
and Hindutva Brigade’s policy for Muslims living in India. It would
disintegrate the country and hurt its diverse culture, they warn.
Three, in case the Party wins crucial States of Rajasthan,
Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh it will roll out UCC in Parliament before
general elections 2024, thereby fulfilling it last key agenda, part of its 2019
Lok Sabha election manifesto alongside Ram temple in Ayodhya and abrogation of
Article 370 in J&K which have been fulfilled.
Lastly, in the event it loses these crucial States the BJP
might still bring UCC to distract attention from its defeat. “In fact, it plans
to use the Uttarakhand as a model when developing its UCC Bill that it will
eventually introduce”, said a Party leader. As it stands, two other BJP-ruled
States Gujarat and Assam too might roll the Code out soon. While, Haryana, UP and
Maharashtra wait in queue.
However, this is easier said than done due to the country's
diversity and religious laws, which not only differ sect-wise, but also by
community, caste and region. Already, the All India Muslim Personal Law Board
has expressed reservations, stating India has a multi-cultural and
multi-religious society and each group has the Constitutional right to maintain
its identity. Adding, the UCC is a threat to India’s diversity and encroachment
on their rights to religious freedom which will disregard their traditions,
imposing rules influenced by the majority religious community.
Besides, not a few argue it violates Constitutional freedom
to practice religion of choice which allows communities to follow their
respective personal laws. For example, Article 25 gives every religious group
the right to manage its own affairs and Article 29 the right to conserve their
distinct culture. Also, the Constituent Assembly’s Fundamental Rights
sub-committee deliberately did not include UCC as a Fundamental Right.
Some are wary UCC will impose a Hinduised code for all
communities as it could include provisions regarding personal issues like
marriage that are in line with Hindu customs but will legally force other
communities to follow the same.
Legal experts are divided on whether a State has the power
to bring about UCC. Some assert as issues like marriage, divorce, inheritance
and property rights come under the Concurrent List, 52 subjects on which laws
can be made by both Centre and States, State Governments have the power to impose
it.
A similar concern is voiced by tribal groups like Rashtriya
Adivasi Ekta Parishad, which approached Supreme Court 2016 seeking protection
of their customs and religious practices from a potential UCC. In Nagaland’s
tribal territories existing customary laws have primacy over federal laws with
respect to personal issues like marriage, land ownership, etc.
Goa is the only State which has a UCC regardless of
religion, gender, caste. It has a common family law whereby all Hindus, Muslims
and Christians are bound with the same law related to marriage, divorce,
succession. When Goa became a Union Territory in 1961, Parliament authorized
the Portuguese civil code of 1867 be amended and repealed by the competent
legislature.
Certainly the path to UCC is sensitive and difficult but it
must be taken. A beginning has to be made if the Constitution is to have any
meaning. Discrimination cannot be justified on the grounds of traditions and
customs. To establish equality the law that regulates population of a country
should also be one.
Where do we go from here? Time for consensus among people
which addresses their misgivings and concerns before the Code can be enacted.
Said a senior Minister, “There is need to tackle “delusions” that some have
“encouraged” that UCC is against rituals and core practices of any religion. It
is a scientific and modern way of achieving goals of gender justice by removing
disparate loyalties in laws which have conflicting ideologies.”
A common civil code will help the cause of national
integration by removing desperate loyalties to laws, which have conflicting
ideologies. A way forward is to follow Balasaheb Ambedkar who advocated
“optional” common civil code. Whereby, Parliament in the initial stage makes a
provision of the Code being purely voluntary.
What next? Ultimately, no community should be allowed to
veto or block progressive legislation. Especially, if it is voluntary and does
not seek to impose any view or way of life on any one arbitrarily. Time now to
reject different laws for different communities, implement Article 44 and
reform India.
One cannot progress riding on past’s wheels. India needs
uniform laws and should figure what is
satisfactory to all groups. Criminal and commercial laws are basic, so
there is little purpose behind common laws to appear as something else. It just
partitions Indians on the premise of religion that should not happen in the
21st century. It is beyond endurance of sensitive minds to allow injustice to
be suffered when it is so palpable. What gives? ---- INFA
(Copyright, India News & Feature Alliance)
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Record Diwali Sales: EXPORTS TO GERMANY RISE, By Shivaji Sarkar, 20 November 2023 |
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Economic Highlights
New
Delhi, 20 November 2023
Record Diwali Sales
EXPORTS TO GERMANY RISE
By Shivaji Sarkar
India’s
imports are growing, exports are slowing but domestic sales during Deepavali
touched a record Rs 3.75 trillion, according to the Confederation of
Association of Traders (CAIT). Besides, with some more regional festivities such
as chhathpuja it may add another Rs 50000 crore sales. The All-India Jewellers
and Goldsmiths Federation National says that on Dhanteras, about 41
tonnes of gold and about 400 tonnes of silver jewellery and coins were
sold in the country. In value terms, the total turnover of gold, silver and
other items was Rs 30,000 crore.
Even passenger
vehicle sales have gone up by about 21 percent on the back of deregistration of
fine working personal cars though these don’t add to pollution. Maruti alone is
stated to have sold over 55,000 vehicles. So did the tractors, suggesting a new-look
agriculture.This is despite the rising food prices, posing threat to the Reserve
Bank of India’s (RBI) commitment to align headline inflation with the 4 percent
target as state in its‘State of the Economy’ report.
Rising
food prices pose the sole threat to the RBI’s commitment to align headline
inflation with the 4 per cent target, according to the central bank’s report.
One particular aspectwhich is troublesome is the vegetable inflation averaging
5.7 percent from fiscal year 2020 till now (2023) compared to a virtual zero
between 2016 to 2019. Occasional rises have been much higher.
While
this phenomenon along with some external developments are pushing the rupee
down vis a vis the dollar, it has added to another problem of shrinking goods
exports for the seventh time in August while imports surged to hit the highest
level since March this year. At $58.6 billion imports were 5.2 percent below
last year’s level but exports fell higher by 6.9 percent leading to $24.2
billion trade deficit, the widest since October 2022. In September, imports at
$68.75 billion, less than $79.64 billion a year back and were again higher than
exports at $ 63.84 billion against $64.61 billion the previous year.
But
India may be doing better in individual country terms. A German government
report says, a rapidly growing India became more important for Germany. Goods
to the value of 8.7 billion euros, 1.7 percent higher were imported from India
to Germany from January to July 2023. Accounting for 1.1 percent of total
imports, India ranked 23rd among Germany’s major suppliers of goods.
Among the non-EU countries, India ranked ninth.
Goods
exports are down 11.9 percent and imports dipped by 12.1 percent. In short, it
affects foreign currency earning, which remains at a level of Rs 83 or below.
This makes imports more expensive and that pushes up the inflation RBI
struggles to keep in check.
Services
exports and imports too were hit. In September, services exports witnessed a
year-on-year decline of 2.7 percent at $ 28.42 billion, Simultaneously,
services imports decreased by a sharper 10.3 percent at $ 14.59 billion. This
is an indication of the economy at the domestic front. It means the overall
activities in the economic sector is coming down. Shrinking services exports
imply that their ability to bridge the goods trade deficits that were
significant last year, will be restricted. This could lead to wider current
account deficits.
It can
impinge on the budgetary process that begins at this point of time. This will
be significant for an election year provisional central budget. The 2023-24
budget allocated, like the previous year, higher infrastructure expenditure
hoping faster growth. It will be challenging for the economy. Not all expenses
may be justified like demolitions of many office buildings, which could have
stood the test of time. World over traditionally such buildings are refurbished
and maintained instead of demolitions. Iconic structures like the National
Museum are also being axed. These add antiquity value to historic cities.
It
appears that the domestic purchasers would be greasing the economy instead of
external sales. This year’s domestic figure at Rs 3.75 trillion is far higher
that the retail business of Deepavali 2022 at Rs 1.5 trillion. Gold sales
spiked by 20 percent almost like the last year.
The
peculiar factors of the economy need to be decoded. Festivity sales are rising
every year despite the rise in inflation and moderate job scenario. This year
overall many farmers dealing in potato and other vegetables had less income
even as onion, tomatoes, cereals, and pulses prices surged. The RBI is watching
keenly the November and December market trends.
Despite
inflationary situation the rise of sales of goods and commodities suggest that
even the not so affluent keep the wheels of economy moving. Festive sales are
seasonal but whether such trends would sustain the economy or not is yet to be
proven. This definitely gives a boost to the entire economic sector, including
travel, transport and hotels. Large movements generate enormous opportunities.
An
increase in inflation rate leads to a decrease in the household consumption as
per the traditional theory. How the festive sales surge remains to be unfolded.
The credit card sales have also gone up 17 percent in October and a bit more in
November. Overall estimates show credit card sales of Rs 29,000 crore. There is
a catch. It may be part of the total purchases by the consumers. But the sales
surge also has another blue. It has been observed that credit card defaults too
increased.
It has
been observed that from around 70 percent as a share of GDP, the share of
private consumption expenditure (PFCE) has gone down to 58.5 percent. Aniket
Dani, director, research, CRISIL Market Intelligence says the self-employed
witnessed degrowth of 3 percent in their income during the last one year.
Inflation during this period remained at 6 percent, suggesting loss in income.
The low-income group bore the brunt.
The
growth in sales may not encompass all sections. At the macro level slowdown is
evident. Chief Economist, Motiwal Oswal Financial Services Nikhil Gupta says
that when saving continue to fall, income growth lags consumption growth. So,
all that glitters may not be gold. Diwali sales may have boosted a large part
of the market but its general impact on the economy is yet to be observed.---INFA
(Copyright, India News & Feature Alliance)
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TN Governor-Govt Rift: BILLS RETURNED, GETS WORSE, By Insaf, 18 November 2023 |
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Round The States
New
Delhi, 18 November 2023
TN Governor-Govt Rift
BILLS RETURNED, GETS WORSE
By Insaf
Governor-government
tussle in Tamil Nadu’s is getting worse. On Thursday last, Governor RN Ravi
returned 10 pending bills to the ruling DMK government. Within hours, a special
session of the Assembly has been called on Saturday (today) and according to
Speaker M Appavu these Bills, including the power of the state government to
appoint university VCs, one on anti-corruption measures and early release of
prisoners would be taken up. Apparently, the Raj Bhavan has chosen to ignore
the Supreme Court’s ‘serious concern’ a few days ago about Governors not acting
on Bills. Or would it argue, it hasn’t sat on these and acted promptly by
returning them? Whatever inferences are made, the big question is Ravi’s action
triggersa constitutionaldilemma. Once the Assembly passes these Bills again, Ravi
will be bound to approve them, says Appavu. However, recently at an even at Raj
Bhavan, Ravi had said if a bill doesn’t get his assent, it means that the bill
is dead.While that needs to be watched, the sheer returning of the Bills en
masse puts the spotlight about his role and powers. Is he over stretching it?
For while, a Governor is expected to approve Bills passed by Assembly,
returning these, raise questions about the balance of power between the state
and the Central authorities. In this case, there is need to set that glaring
imbalance right. Enough is enough.
* * * *
Muscle & Money Power
The
Election Commission has a long way to go before it can rein in ‘money and
muscle power’ in elections. Details of candidates in Madhya Pradesh and
Chhattisgarh Assembly polls are the recent most examples to confirm the
misgivings of the democratic system being ‘free and fair’. As per Association
for Democratic Reforms data, of the 2,534 candidates in MP, where polling took
place on Friday last, 472 candidates have declared ‘criminal cases’ against
them: Congress (291), BJP (65), AAP (26), SP (23), BSP (22) and Independents
(215). Worse, 291 have declared ‘serious criminal cases’: Congress (61), BJP
(23), AAP (18) and BSP and SP both 16 each, Ind (157). In Chhattisgarh, which
too wrapped up its 2nd phase of polling it’s no different: of 958
candidates, 100 declared criminal cases: 13 of Congress, 12 each of BJP and
AAP, JCC-J, 12, BSP 2 and Ind 50. Of the 56 ‘serious criminal cases, Congress
has 7, BJP and JCC-J 4 each, AAP, 6, BSP 1 and Ind 34. Next is the ‘crorepati’
list in MP which reveals 727 are in the fray: 200 fielded by BJP, 196 by
Congress and rest belong to other political parties. In Chhattisgarh 253 crorepati candidates
are contesting: 60 candidates by Congress, 57 by BJP, the rest from other
parties. People’s representatives, is what they are known as?
* * * *
Now
Bureaucratic Scam
All
eyes are on the latest rift between the Delhi government and the Centre. On
Thursday last, Delhi vigilance minister Atishi wrote to the ED and CBI, seeking
a probe into Chief Secretary Naresh Kumar viz alleged financial irregularities
in the acquisition of land for the Dwarka expressway. The scam has led to Chief
Minister Arvind Kejriwal writing to LG Saxena recommending Naresh’s immediate
removal and sending the 670-page to CBI or ED for further investigation.Atishi
has said the investigation found that the Chief Secretary benefited a company
linked to his son with over R.850 crore of “illicit profits”. “A clear
nexus has been found between Naresh Kumar, his son Karan Chauhan and the
beneficiary land owners who were provided a windfall gain of Rs.897.1
crores at the cost of public exchequer...” it read. She also recommended
removal of Divisional Commissioner Ashwani Kumar to ensure a fair investigation.
Expectedly, Naresh has denied all charges, claiming he was being targeted for ordering
probes into several cases, including Kejriwal’s home renovation and alleged
excise policy scam. Be that as it may, the truth must come out and not be
pushed under the carpet as one of the ongoing brawls the ruling AAP has with
the Centre over control of the bureaucracy.
* * * *
Tunnel
Tragedy & Warning
The
Silkyara tunnel tragedy in Uttarakhand, trapping 40 labourers sadly reinforces the
government brazenly ignoring the eco-warning time and again. The tunnel near Uttarkashi,
whose portions caved in on Sunday last is part of the controversial Rs
12,000-crore Char Dham all-weather road project involving four-laning of
hillside highways. These mountains said Minister of State of Road Transport and
Highways V K Singh ‘are young and fragile…according to data, it (tunnel) was
stable for four-and-a-half years. But for some reason, the cave-in occurred.” Absurd,
to say the least as the government and National Highways & Infrastructure
Development Corporation Ltd failed to heed to environmentalists and scientists’
warning that excavating such highways and building many tunnels in the name of
development of backward regions is a recipe for engineering disaster at high
altitudes. ‘For the future, we will review wherever such tunnels are being
constructed,” was Chief Minister Pushkar Singh Dhami response to not heeding to
warnings and playing around with the fragile ecosystem in the Himalayas. No
solace for the families of the labourers.
* * * *
Southern
States Firm
Five
southern States have forced the National Medical Commission to put on hold its decision
to limit number of MBBS seats to 100 per 10 lakh population in every State.On
Wednesday last, the apex medical education regulator announced that these “Guidelines
for undergraduate courses under the establishment of new medical institutions,
starting new medical courses, increase of seats for existing courses, and
assessment and rating Regulation 2023” will now be implemented for 2025-26
academic year, only after there’s consensus following further stakeholder
consultations. While the restriction would have allowed 40,000 more MBBS seats in
states such as Bihar and Jharkhand, where there’s over 70% deficiency as per
new seats-to-population ratio norm, the States of Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu,
Karnataka, Telangana and Kerala, would have been barred
from raising their medical seat capacity, which they all plan, for the next
academic session (2024-25), as these have already exceeded the ratio. The
Commission must tread carefully for not only States, but students too mustn’t
be penalised!
* * * *
Curbing
Female Student Dropouts
Three
cheers to the Supreme Court! It has sought to ensure that adolescent females
between 11-18 years, hailing from poor families, don’t drop out of schools
because of lack of basic facilities such as toilets and sanitary towels. It has
asked the Centre to put down a “national model for ratio of number of girls’
toilets per female student population across government-aided and residential
schools in the country”, before finalising the draft National Menstrual Hygiene
Policy, 2023. Besides, it must bring about uniformity in modalities to be
followed for distribution of sanitary napkins by considering practices followed
in States. The top court was dealing with a PIL seeking free sanitary pads to
every female student in classes 6-12, separate toilets for females in all
government-aided and residential schools and awareness programmes on
maintenance of toilets and spread of awareness. Earlier, it asked the Centre to
engage with all State governments and UTs to ensure a uniform national policy
is formulated with sufficient leeway for them to adjust based on prevailing
conditions. This would aid the National Health Mission steering group to
reevaluate national guidelines. Sooner the better.---INFA
(Copyright, India News & Feature Alliance)
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